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SLl}t Uiottmt lliterature Series; 



RULES OF CONDUCT 

DIARY OF ADVENTURE, LETTERS, AND 
FAREWELL ADDRESSES 



BY 

GEORGE WASHINGTON 



WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES 




gl^^B^Spi 



BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO 

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 






Copyright, 1387, 
Bt HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. 

Ml rights reservea. 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON 

1732-1799 

The story of the life of George Washington is the proud 
possession of every American boy. All the outward events 
w)f that wonderful career the young hero-worshipper can 
recount, from the breaking-in of the pet colt somewhere 
about 1738 on the lawn of the Virginian plantation to the 
taking of the oath of office as President in New York in 
1789. He knows by heart the exciting adventures of the 
young Washington during his three years' survey of the 
Virginian wilderness ; he admires the Major Washington 
who so gallantly bore the commission of Governor Din- 
widdle to warn the French off the Ohio lands and afterward 
saved the army of the obstinate Braddock from total defeat 
in the fight for Fort Duquesne. He knows how his hero re- 
sented the Stamp Act, and stood unflinchingly for justice 
in the Continental Congress ; how he was elected Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the army and came to Cambridge to receive 
its leadership under the elm which still bears his name. He 
sees Washington, and little else, in every event of the war 
which followed : his strategy in compelling the British to 
evacuate Boston ; his dignity in that enforced retreat across 
New Jersey ; his genius in the Christmas victory at Trenton ; 
his control in holding together his unpaid, half-fed soldiers ; 
his patience in enduring criticism of his " Fabian " policy ; 
his fortitude in braving the winter at Valley Forge ; his joy 
in the loyalty of Lafayette ; his grief at the faithlessness of 
Arnold; his righteous indignation at the general who lost 
for him the battle of Monmouth, — all these reaching a 
glorious climax in his magnificent dash across country in 
October of 1781 to wedge in Cornwallis at Yorktown and 



2 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

force him to surrender. Through the quieter years that 
followed Washington is still the boy's hero, — as he presides 
over the convention of 1787 and helps draw up the consti- 
tution ; as he enters upon the presidency ; and as, about to 
assume again reluctant command of the army should war 
with France break out, he dies suddenly at his home at 
Mount Vernon in 1799. 

But this military and civil career, thrilling as it is to the 
American boy, shows by no means the whole of the great- , 
ness of Washington. It is the man who thought and wrote I i 
who is of particular interest when the more mature student 
approaches one of his addresses as a piece of literature. Like 
most heroes of action, Washington was a man of few words ; 
nor did he write much in his Hfe outside the methodical > 
keeping of diaries and accounts, the penning of ceremonious I 
letters, and the composition of such speeches as his part in 
public ajffairs demanded of him. The style of these is uni- 
formly concise, dignified, formal ; and to read them is to I 
enjoy a prose whose beauty lies in clearness, precision, and 
earnestness, rather than in rhetorical ornament or imagery. 

The first literary production of the boy Washington comes 
down to us in a letter to his playmate, Richard Henry Lee : 

" G. W.'s compliments to R. H. L. 
And likes his book full well. 
Henceforth will count him his friend, 
And hopes many happy days he may spend." 

There may be little there to herald a coming writer, but 
the four lines are eloquent of painstaking effort. No doubt 
the verse, according to the boy's habits, was carefully cor- 
rected and copied before it was sent. The exercise books 
of his early school days, full of business forms of all kinds 
copied in a bold, firm hand bear witness to great exactness 
and orderliness. One of these contains his famous list of a 
hundred and ten Rules of Civility and Decent Behavior in 
Company and Conversation, They are stiff little maxims 
such as, " Speak not evil of the absent, for it is unjust," 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 3 

and " Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark 
of celestial fire called conscience ; " but a deal of serious 
thought lies behind their meagre expression. 

The next piece of writing from Washington's pen is the 
journal kept during his expedition to the Ohio, — an orderly? 
circumstantial report written for the sake of rendering a 
faithful account of his stewardship. Without color or gloss, 
it fascinates by its very directness. Of one of the most ex-= 
citing incidents of the enterprise he writes simply : " There 
was no way for getting over [the river~\ but on a raft, which 
we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and finished just 
after sun-setting. This was a whole day's work ; we next got 
it launched, then went on board of it, and set off ; but before 
we were half-way over we were jammed in the ice, in such 
a manner that we expected every moment our raft to sink, 
and ourselves to perish. I put out my steering-pole to try to 
stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of 
the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole 
that it jerked me out into ten feet water ; but I fortunately 
saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft-logs. Not- 
withstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, 
but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft 
and make to it." There is no personal comment in the whole 
narrative more than that implied in the words poor and for- 
tunately ; and yet it appeals to us as does the simplicity and 
directness of Robinson Crusoe. Terse almost to the laugh- 
ing point is his journal's record of a visit to the Indian queen, 
Aliquippa : " I made her a present of a watch-coat and a bot- 
tle of rum, which latter was thought much the better present 
of the two." What material for a romancer like our old his- 
torian John Smith ! The journal ends : *' On the 11th. I got 
to Belvoir where I stopped one day to get the necessary 
rest ; and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 
16th., where I waited upon his Honor the Governor witl 
the letter I had brought from the French commandant, and 
to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This 



4 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

I beg leave to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it 
contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened 
in my journey. I hope what has been said will be sufficient 
to make your Honor satisfied with my conduct." Sufficient 
it surely ought to have been, for the man who wrote so 
straightforward an account must have marched straight 
forward to the accomplishment of his work. 

A little more self-conscious and ceremonious, but nonci 
the less frank, is the style of his letter in answer to General' 
Braddock's invitation to join him as aid-de-camp. The 
letter is addressed to Braddock's secretary, and begins as 
follows : 

"Sir: 

I was not favored with your polite letter of the 
2nd. instant until yesterday ; acquainting me with the notice 
his Excellency, General Braddock, is pleased to honor me 
with, by kindly inviting me to become one of his family the 
ensuing campaign. It is true, sir, I have, ever since I de- 
clined my late command, expressed an inclination to serve 
in this campaign as a volunteer; and this inclination is not 
a little increased, since it is likely to be conducted by a gen- 
tleman of the general's experience. But, besides this, and 
the laudable desire I may have to serve with my best abili- 
ties my king and my country, I must be ingenuous enough 
to confess that I am not a little biased by selfish considera- 
tions. To explain, sir, I wish earnestly to attain some 
knowledge in the military profession, and believing a more 
favorable opportunity cannot offer than to serve under a 
gentleman of General Braddock's abilities and experience, 
it does, you may reasonably suppose, not a little contribute 
to influence my choice." 

Washington's only comment later on Braddock's insistence 
upon using British military tactics in an American wilder- 
ness full of Indians — a subject worthy of a philippic ! — 
was this : " There has been vile management in regard to 
the horses." The same restraint characterizes the letter 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 5 

which he wrote to his mother on the subject of their defeat ; 
and yet his two pages are infinitely more graphic than any 
ten-page account in the histories, eloquent as those are upon 
one topic on which he maintains silence, — the good judg- 
ment of Washington. 

Washington's power in argument first shows itself in his 
letter to Mr. Fairfax concerning the Stamp Act. The whole 
composition reads as convincingly as the most brilliant pas- 
sages in Burke, and yet there is nothing more adorned than 
this : " I think the Parliament of Great Britain have no 
more right to put their hands into my pockets, without my 
consent, than I have to put my hands into yours ; and this 
being already urged to them in a firm but decent manner, 
by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect anything 
from their justice ? " Fact and experience were eloquent to 
Washington without the aid of rhetoric. His acceptance of 
his appointment to the head of the army is full of the 
modesty and loyalty that marked all that he wrote. " Mr. 
President : Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done 
me, in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a con- 
ciousness that my abilities and military experience may not 
be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as 
the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, 
and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the 
support of the glorious cause. . . But I beg it may be re- 
membered by every gentleman in this room that I, this day, 
declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal 
to the command I am honored with." 

As soon as Washington had taken command of the army 
he began a series of letters to Congress which continued 
throughout the war. These state all his plans and move- 
ments with rigid exactness. If anything was needed he 
asked for it simply : " We labor under great disadvantages 
for want of tents," or " I find myself already much embar- 
rassed for want of a military chest." But there are no long 
petitions or complaints : his business was to act for the inter- 



6 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

ests of the country and to report bis movements to Congress 
without superfluous personal comment or criticism, much as 
the conditions would have justified him in making them. It 
took a Valley Forge to strike a spark of fire into Washing- 
ton's rhetoric. His indignation on behalf of his men made 
him eloquently ironical for the first time. " We find gentle- 
men, without knowing whether the army was really going 
into winter quarters or not, reprobating the measure as 
much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks 
and stones, and equally insensible of frost and sorrow ; and 
moreover as if they conceived it easily practicable for an in- 
ferior army, under the disadvantages I have described ours 
to be, which are by no means exaggerated, to confuse a 
superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for 
a winter's campaign, within the city of Philadelphia. . . . 
I can assure these gentlemen, that it is a much easier and 
less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable 
room by a good fireside than to occupy a cold bleak hill, 
and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. 
However, although they seem to have little feeling for the 
naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for 
them, and from my soul I pity those miseries, which it is 
neither in my power to relieve or prevent." In 1783 Wash- 
ington made his famous farewell address to the army, a 
speech so full of sincere emotion that it could not but be 
eloquent, although he who spoke it, falteringly, was no 
practiced orator. A note of impassioned exhortation creeps 
in here for the first time, a device which an ambitious young 
orator might assume, but which Washington could come by 
only honestly through experience and suffering with his 
men. 

Even so brief a survey as this gives us the impression that 
never was the saying that "the style is the man" more 
true of any one than of Washington. The power of ex- 
pression he would never have cultivated for artistic ends; 
it developed in him, step by step, only as his experience 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 7 

demanded it for practical use. Where a record of an expedi- 
tion was necessary, he wrote with plain accuracy ; where 
national events became more complex and demanded careful 
thought and reasoning, his letters to Congress became more 
philosophical ; where an appeal must be made for his soldiers, 
he could be impassioned ; and when the time came for him 
to disband his army he had so found himself through years 
of experience that he spoke with a genuine eloquence. The 
record reads like that of a man made an orator almost in spite 
of himself. 

In the Farewell Address of 1796 we have the full cul- 
mination of all these powers. It was an occasion that de- 
manded much of Washington, and perhaps the speech bears 
more than his usual consciousness of composition. But it 
does not lose in a single sentence the ingenuousness of that 
boyish journal of 1753 ; time has only added to it the trained 
intellect, the practiced logic, the experienced judgment, the 
mellowed sympathy, and the temperate emotion that must lie 
at the foundation of all good and great eloquence. These; 
combined with Washington's inborn sense of elegance anO 
dignity in form and expression, make the Farewell Ad> 
dress a piece of rare, unpretentious oratory that deserves 
to be known by heart by every student of American liter- 
ature. 

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, in his Life of Washington 
(American Statesmen Series), writes: " In September, 1796, 
Washington published his farewell address, and no man ever 
left a nobler political testament. Through much tribulation 
he had done his great part in establishing the government 
of the Union, which might have come to naught without his 
commanding influence. . . . Now from the heights of great 
achievement he turned to say farewell to the people whom 
he so much loved, and whom he had so greatly served. 
Every word was instinct with the purest and wisest patriot- 
ism. . . . His admonitions were received by the people at 
large with profound respect, and sank deep into the public 



8 GEORGE WASHINGTON 

mind. As the generations have come and gone, the fare- 
well address has grown dearer to the hearts of the people, 
and the children and the children's children of those to 
whom it was addressed have turned to it in all times and 
known that there was no room for error in following its 
counsel" 



CONTENTS. 



PAOB 

T. Washington's Rules ....... 7 

II. A Dangerous Errand ...... 13 

III. With General Braddock 23 

IV. A Virginia Planter 35 

V. Commander-in-Chief 43 

VI. In Camp at Cambridge 49 

VII. Mr. Washington or General Washington . . 65 

VIII. At Valley Forge 69 

IX. Farewell to the Army 77 

X. Farewell Address to the People of the United 

States 83 

Events m the Life of George Washington • • • 105 



WASHINGTON'S KULES. 



The copy-books and exercise-books of most boys are early 
destroyed, but it chances that those of George Washington have 
been kept, and they are very interesting. The handwriting in 
them is the first thing to be noticed, — round, fair, and bold, the 
letters large like the hand that formed them, and the lines run- 
ning straight and even. In the arithmetic and book-keeping 
manuals which we study at school, there are printed forms of 
receipts, bills, and other ordinary business papers ; but in Wash- 
ington's school-days, the teacher showed the boys how to draw 
these up, and gave them also copies of longer papers, like leases, 
deeds, and wills. There were few lawyers in Virginia, and every 
gentleman was supposed to know many forms of documents 
which now are left to our lawyers or stationers. 

Washington's exercise-books have many pages of these forms, 
written out carefully by the boy. Sometimes he made orna- 
mental letters such as clerks were wont to use. This was not 
merely exercise in penmanship ; it was practice work in all that 
careful keeping of accounts and those business methods which 
were sure to be needed by one who had to manage a large planta- 
tion. George Washington was to manage something greater, 
though no one then knew it ; and the habits which he formed at 
this time were of inestimable value to him in his manhood. 

The manuscript book which contains these exercises has also a. 
list of a hundred and ten Rules of Civility and Decent Behavior iit 
Company and Conversation. They were probably not made up bj 
the boy, but copied from some book, or taken down from the lipl 
of his mother or teacher. Fifty-seven of them are printed bj 
Mr. Sparks in his Writings of Washington. They sound rathe, 
stiff to us, but it was a common thing in those clays to set such 
rules before children, and George Washington, with his liking 
for regular, orderly ways — evident in his very writing — prob* 



V 



8 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

ably used the rules and perhaps committed them to memory, to 
secure an even temper and self-control. They touch on thmgs 
great and small. The difficulty with most boys would be to fol- 
low a hundred and ten of such rules. They serve, however, to 
show what was the standard of good manners and morals among 
those who had the training of George Washington. The best of 
rules would have done little with poor stuff ; it was because this 
boy had a manly and honorable spirit that he could be trained in 
manly and honorable ways. 

1. Every action in company ought to be with some 
sign of respect to those present. 

2. In the presence of others sing not to yourseK 
with a humming noise, nor drum with your fingers 
or feet. 

3. Sleep not when others speak, sit not when others 
stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, 
walk not when others stop. 

4. Turn not your back to others, especially in speak- 
ing ; jog not the table or desk on which another reads 
or writes ; lean not on any one. 

5. Be no flatterer ; neither play with any one that 
delights not to be played with. 

6. Read no letters, books, or papers in company ; 
but when there is a necessity for doing it, you must 
ask leave. Come not near the books or writings of 
any one so as to read them, unless desired, nor give 
your opinion of them unasked ; also, look not nigh 
when another is writing a letter. 

7. Let your countenance be pleasant, but in serious 
matters somewhat grave. 

8. Show not yourself glad at the misfortune of an- 
other, though he were your enemy. 

9. When you meet with one of greater quality than 
yourself, stop and retire, especially if it be at a door 
or any strait place, to give way for him to pass. 



WASHINGTON'S RULES. 9 

10. They that are in dignity, or in office, have in all 
places precedency ; but whilst they are young they 
ought to respect those that are their equals in birth 
or other qualities, though they have no public charge. 

11. It is good manners to prefer them to whom we 
speak before ourselves, especially if they be above us, 
with whom in no sort we ought to begin. 

12. Let your discourse with men of business be 
short and comprehensive. 

13. In visiting the sick, do not presently play the 
physician if you be not knowing therein. 

14. In writing, or speaking, give to every person his 
due title, according to his degree and the custom of the 
place. 

15. Strive not with your superiors in argument, but 
always submit your judgment to others with modesty. 

16. Undertake not to teach your equal in the art 
himself professes : it savors of arrogancy. 

17. When a man does all he can, though it succeeds 
not well, blame not him that did it. 

18. Being to advise, or reprehend any one, consider 
whether it ought to be in public or in private, presently 
or at some other time, and in what terms to do it ; and 
in reproving show no signs of choler, but do it with 
sweetness and mildness. 

19. Take all admonitions thankfully, in what time 
or place soever given ; but afterwards, not being cul- 
pable, take a time and place convenient to let him 
know it that gave them. 

20. Mock not, nor jest at anything of importance ; 
break no jests that are sharp-biting, and if you deliver 
anything witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing 
thereat yourself. 

21. Vi^herein you reprove another be unblamable 



\y 



10 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

yourself ; for example is more prevalent than pre. 
cepts. 

22. Use no reproacMul language against any one, 
neither curse nor revile. 

, 23. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the dis- 
paragement of any. 

24. In your apparel be modest, and endeavor to ac 
commodate nature, rather than to procure admiration ; 

V keep to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil 
and orderly with respect to times and places. 

25. Play not the peacock, looking everywhere about 
you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, 
if your stockings sit neatly, and clothes handsomely. 

26. Associate yourself with men of good quality, if 
J you esteem your own reputation, for it is better to be 

alone than in bad company. 

27. Let your conversation be without malice or 
envy, for it is a sign of a tractable and commendable 
nature ; and in all causes of passion, admit reason to 
govern. 

28. Be not immodest in urging your friend to dis- 
cover a secret. 

29. Utter not base and frivolous things amongst 
grave and learned men ; nor very difficult questions 
or subjects among the ignorant ; nor things hard to be 
believed. 

30. Speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, 
nor at the table ; speak not of melancholy things, as 
death, and wounds, and if others mention them, change, 
if you can, the discourse. Tell not your dreams, but to 
your intimate friend. 

31. Break not a jest where none takes pleasure in 
mirth ; laugh not aloud, nor at all without occasion. 
Deride no man's misfortune, though there seem to be 
some cause. 



WASHINGTON'S RULES. 11 

32. Speak not injurious words, neither in jest nor 
earnest ; scoff at none although they give occasion. 

33. Be not forward, but friendly and courteous ; the 
first to salute, hear, and answer ; and be not pensive 
v/hen it is a time to converse. 

34. Detract not from others, neither be excessive in 
commending. 

35. Go not thither where you know not whether 
J you shall be welcome or not. Give not advice without 

being asked, and when desired, do it briefly. 

36. If two contend together, take not the part of 
either unconstrained, and be not obstinate in your own 
opinion ; in things indifferent be of the major side. 

37. Reprehend not the imperfections of others, for 
that belongs to parents, masters, and superiors. 

38. Gaze not on the marks or blemishes of others, 
and ask not how they came. What you may speak 
in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. 

39. Speak not in an unknown tongue in company, but 
in your own language, and that as those of quality do 
and not as the vulgar ; sublime matters treat seriouslyo 

40. Think before you speak ; pronounce not imper° 
fectly, nor bring out your words too hastily, but 
orderly and distinctly. 

41. When another speaks be attentive yourself, and 
disturb not the audience. If any hesitate in his words, 
help him not, nor prompt him without being desired ; 
interrupt him not, nor answer him, till his speech 
be ended. 

42. Treat with men at fit times about business : and 
whisper not in the company of others. 

43. Make no comparisons, and if any of the com- 
pany be commended for any brave act of virtue, com- 
mend not another for the same. 



12 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

44. Be not apt to relate news if you know not the 
truth thereof. In discoursing of things you have 
heard, name not your author always. A secret dis- 
cover not. 

45. Be not curious to know the affairs of others, 
neither approach to those that speak in private. 

46. Undertake not what you cannot perform, but be 
careful to keep your promise. 

47. When you deliver a matter, do it without pas- 
sion and with discretion, however mean the person be 
you do it to. 

48. When your superiors talk to anybody, hearken 
not, neither speak, nor laugh. 

49. In disputes be not so desirous to overcome as 
not to give liberty to each one to deliver his opinion, 
and submit to the judgment of the major part, espe- 
cially if they are judges of the dispute. 

50. Be not tedious in discourse ; make not many 
digressions, nor repeat often the same manner of dis° 
course. 

51. Speak not evil of the absent, for it is unjust. 

52. Make no show of taking great delight in your 
victuals ; feed not with greediness ; cut your bread 
with a knife ; lean not on the table ; neither find fault 
with what you eat. 

53. Be not angry at table, whatever happens, and 
if you have reason to be so, show it not ; put on a 
cheerful countenance, especially if there be strangers, 
for good humor makes one dish of meat a feast. 

54. Set not yourself at the upper end of the table; 
but if it be your due, or that the master of the house 
will have it so, contend not, lest you should trouble 
the company. 

55. When you speak of God or his attributes, let it 



A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 13 

be seriously in reverence. Honor and obey your natu- 
ral parents, although they be poor. 

56. Let your recreations be manful, not sinful. 
v/ 57. Labor to keep alive in your breast that little 
spark of celestial fire, called conscience. 



n. 

A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 

In 1753 the French and the English were both trying to get 
possession of the Valley of the Ohio, and news came to Vir- 
ginia that the French governor of Canada had sent troops and 
supplies into the country, was making friends with the Indians, 
and had even seized certain English traders and sent them 
prisoners to France. The English people most directly inter- 
ested in the matter were the members of the Ohio Company, a 
land company formed for the purpose of occupying and settling 
what was vaguely known as the Ohio country, that is, the land 
watered by the Ohio River and its tributaries. The governor of 
Virginia was a stockholder in the company, and he determined 
at once to send a commissioner to the officer in command of the 
French forces, and ask by what right Frenchmen were building 
forts in the king's dominions, and what they were intending 
to do ; why they had made prisoners of peaceable English- 
men ; and as the two nations were not at war, why French 
soldiers were invading English territory. Moreover, the com- 
missioner was to see the Indian chiefs and make sure that they 
did not form an alliance with the French. 

It was no slight matter for any one to undertake such an 
errand. He must know something of the country ; he must be 
used to the Indians ; he must be a person whom the French 
would respect ; above all, he must be strong of body, coura- 
geous, prudent, wise, and on the alert ; for the journey would 
be a severe one, and the messenger would need to have what is 
called a " level head." Of course no one expected that the 
French commandant would kindly sit down and tell the Vir^ 



14 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

ginian commissioner what he meant to do ; the commissioner 
must find that out by his own sagacity. 

Now, one of the principal members of the Ohio Company was 
Lawrence Washington, who had recently died and left his affairs 
in the hands of his younger brother George. George Washing- 
ton knew perfectly what interests were at stake. Besides, he 
was a backwoodsman ; it was no novelty for him to follow trails 
through the forest ; he could deal with Indians ; and above all, 
he had shown himself a clear-headed, far-sighted young man, 
whom every one instinctively trusted. He was one of His 
Majesty's officers, for he was Adjutant-General of the Northern 
District, and so, though Major George Washington was but 
twenty-one years old, Governor Dinwiddie and his council se- 
lected him for this delicate and weighty mission. 

It was no summer jaunt on which he set out. He waited upon 
the governor at Williamsburg, and was armed with papers duly 
signed and sealed with the great seal of Virginia, giving him 
authority as commissioner. On October 30, 1753, he left W^il- 
liamsburg with a journey of more than a thousand miles before 
him. He stopped at Fredericksburg to say good-by to his 
mother, and to engage his old fencing-master, Van Braam, as an 
interpreter. Washington knew no French, and never learned it. 
Van Braam pretended to know it well, but really had only an 
ignorant smattering of the language. From Fredericksburg 
Washington went to Alexandria, where he laid in supplies, and 
to Winchester, which was the most important frontier settle- 
ment, where he provided himself with horses, tents, and other 
camp equipments. 

The real start of the expedition was to be made from Wills 
Creek, now Cumberland, in Maryland, which was the outpost of 
civilization. Here Washington arrived November 14, and made 
up his little company. It consisted of Christopher Gist, who 
was in the employ of the Ohio Company and was an experienced 
frontiersman ; Jacob Van Braam, the interpreter ; Davidson, an 
Indian interpreter ; and four frontiersmen. The party was now 
complete, and the next day plunged into the wilderness. 

Washington kept a journal of this expedition, in which he set 
down his adventures. He had great difficulty in getting at the 
French commandant, but finally reached him at Fort Le Boeuf. 
The passages in the Journal which follow detail the experiences 
of Washington from this time till he returned to Williamsburg 
and made his report to the governor. 



A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 15 

December 12. — I prepared early to wait upon the 
commander, and was received and conducted to him 
by the second officer in command. I acquainted him 
with my business, and offered my commission and 
letter ; both of which he desired me to keep until the 
arrival of Monsieur Reparti, captain at the next fort, 
who was sent for and expected every hour. 

This commander is a knight of the military order o£ 
St. Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He 
is an elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a 
soldier. He was sent over to take the command im- 
mediately upon the death of the late general, and ar- 
rived here about seven days before me. 

At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for ar- 
rived, when I offered the letter, etc. again, which they 
received, and adjourned into a private apartment foi- 
the captain to translate, who understood a little Eng- 
lish. After he had done it, the commander desired I 
would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and 
correct it ; which I did. 

December 13. — The chief officers retired to hold 
a council of war, which gave me an opportunity of 
taking the dimensions of the fort, and making what 
observations I could. 

It is situated on th^ south or west fork of French 
Creek, near the water ; and is almost surrounded by 
the creek, and a small branch of it, which form a kind 
of island. Four houses compose the sides. The bas- 
tions are made of piles driven into the ground, stand- 
ing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at top, 
with port-holes cut for cannon, and loop-holes for the 
small arms to fire through. There are eight six- 
pounds pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece 
of four pounds before the gate. In the bastions are 



16 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

a guard-house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the com- 
mander's private store ; round which are laid plat- 
forms for the cannon and men to stand on. There 
are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' 
dwellings, covered, some with bark, and some with 
boards, made chiefly of logs. There are also several 
other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, etc. 

I could get no certain account of the number of 
men here ; but, according to the best judgment I 
could form, there are a hundred, exclusive of officers, 
of whom there are many. I also gave orders to the 
people who were with me, to take an exact account of 
the canoes, which were hauled up to convey their 
forces down in the spring. This they did, and told 
fifty of the birch bark, and a hundred and seventy of 
pine ; besides many others, which were blocked out, 
in readiness for being made. 

December 14. — As the snow increased very fast, 
wAd our horses daily became weaker, I sent them off 
unloaded, under the care of Barnaby Currin and two 
others, to make all convenient dispatch to Venango,^ 
and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect 
of the river's freezing ; if not, then to continue down 
to Shannopin's Town, at the Fork of the Ohio, and 
there to wait until we came to cross the Allegany ; 
intending myself to go down by water, as I had the 
offer of a canoe or two. 

As I found many plots concerted to retard the In» 
dians' business, and prevent their returning with me, 
1 endeavored all that lay in my power to frustrate 
their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their in- 
tended design. They accordingly pressed for admit- 
tance this evening, which at length was granted themj 

1 Now Franklin, in Venango County, Pennsylvania. 



A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 17 

privately, to the commander and one or two other 
officers. The Half -King ^ told me, that he offered the 
wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and 
made many fair promises of love and friendship ; said 
he wanted to live in peace and trade amicably with 
them, as a proof of which he would send some goods 
immediately down to the Logstown ^ for them. But I 
rather think the design of that is to bring away all our 
straggling traders they meet with, as I privately un- 
derstood they intended to carry an officer with them. 
And what rather confirms this opinion, I was inquir- 
ing of the commander by what authority he had made 
prisoners of several of our English subjects. He told 
me that the country belonged to them ; that no Eng- 
lishman had a right to trade upon those waters ; and 
that he had orders to make every person prisoner, 
who attempted it on the Ohio, or the waters of it. 

I inquired of Captain Reparti about the boy that 
was carried by this place, as it was done while the 
command devolved on him, between the death of the 
late general and the arrival of the present. He ac- 
knowledged that a boy had been carried past, and that 
the Indians had two or three white men's scalps (I was 
told by some of the Indians at Yenango, eight), but 
pretended to have forgotten the name of the place 
where the boy came from, and all the particular facts, 
though he had questioned him for some hours, as they 
were carrjdng him past. I likewise inquired what they 
had done with John Trotter and James McClocklan, 
two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with 
all their goods. They told me, that they had been sent 
to Canada, but were now returned home. 

^ The Half -King- was an Indian chief, who with other Indians had 
joined Washington after he had entered the woods. 

'^ On the Ohio River, aboixt seventeen miles from Pittsburg. 



18 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

This evening I received an answer to liis Honor the 
Governor's letter from the commandant. 

December 15. — The commandant ordered a plenti- 
ful store of liquor and provision to be put on board 
our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complai- 
sant, though he was exerting every artifice which he 
could invent to set our Indians at variance with us, 
to prevent their going until after our departure ; 
presents, rewards, and everything, which could be sug- 
gested by him or his officers. I cannot say that ever 
in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in 
this affair. I saw that every stratagem which the 
most fruitful brain could invent was practised to win 
the Half-King to their interest, and that leaving him 
there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. 
I went to the Half -King and pressed him in the 
strongest terms to go ; he told me that the comman' 
dant would not discharge him until the morning. I 
then went to the commandant and desired him to do 
their business, and complained of ill treatment ; for 
keeping them, as they were part of my company, was 
detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to f or- 
ward my journey as much as he could. He protested 
he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause 
of their stay ; though I soon found it out. He had 
promised them a present of guns, if they would wait 
until the morning. As I was very much pressed b} 
the Indians to wait this day for them, I consented, on 
a promise that nothing should hinder them in the 
morning. 

December 16. — The French were not slack in 
their inventions to keep the Indians this day also. 
But as they were obliged, according to promise, to 
give the present, they then endeavored to try the 



A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 19 

power of liquor, which I doubt not would have pre- 
vailed at any other time than this ; but I urged and 
insisted with the King so closely upon his word, that 
he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged. 

"We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down 
the creek. Several times we had like to have been 
staved against rocks ; and many times were obliged 
all hands to get out and remain in the water half an 
hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place, 
the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water ; 
we were, therefore, obliged to carry our canoe across 
the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. We did 
not reach Venango until the 22d, where we met with 
our horses. 

This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the 
distance between the fort and Venango cannot be less 
than one hundred and thirty miles, to follow the 
meanders. 

December 23. — Yv^hen I got things ready to set off, 
I sent for the Half -King, to know whether he intended 
to go with us or by water. He told me that White 
Thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick and 
unable to walk ; therefore he was obliged to carry him 
down in a canoe. As I found he intended to stay 
here a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire 
would employ every scheme to set him against the^ 
English, as he had before done, I told him, I hoped 
he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine 
speeches influence him in their favor. He desired 1 
might not be concerned, for he knew the French too 
well for any thing to engage him in their favor ; and 
that though he could not go down with us, he yet 
would endeavor to meet at the Fork with Joseph 
Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his 



20 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Honor the Governor. He told me he would order the 
Young Hunter to attend us, and get provisions, etc. 
if wanted. 

Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the 
baggage so heavy (as we were obliged to provide all 
the necessaries which the journey would require)^ 
that we doubted much their performing it. Therefore, 
myself and others, except the drivers, who were 
obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist 
along with the baggage. I put myself in an Indian 
walking-dross, and continued with them three* days, 
until I found there was no probability of their getting 
home in any reasonable time. The horses became 
less able to travel every day ; the cold increased very 
fast ; and the roads were becoming much worse by a 
deep snow, continually freezing ; therefore, as I was 
uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings 
to his Honor the Governor, I determined to prosecute 
my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on 
foot. 

Accordingly, I left Mr. Van Braam in charge of our 
baggage, with money and directions to provide neces- 
saries from place to place for themselves and horses, 
and to make the most convenient dispatch in travel- 
ling. 

I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, 
and tied myself up in a watch-coat. Then, with gun 
in hand, and pack on my back, in which were my 
papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted 
in the same manner, on Wednesday the 26th. Th( 
day following, just after we had passed a place called 
Murdering Town (where we intended to quit the path 
and steer across the country for Shannopin's Town), 
we fell in with a party of French Indians, who had 



A DANGEROUS ERRAND. 21 

lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or 
me, not fifteen steps oft, but fortunately missedo We 
took this fellow into custody, and kept him until about 
nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all 
the remaining part of the night without making any 
stop, that we might get the start so far as to be o\x\ 
of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we 
were well assured they would follow our track as sooe 
as it was light. The next day we continued travelling 
until quite dark, and got to the river about two miles 
above Shannopin's. We expected to have found the 
river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards 
from each shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up 
above, for it was driving in vast quantities. 

There was no way for getting over but on a raft, 
which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and 
finished just after sun-setting. This was a whole day's 
work ; we next got it launched, then went on board 
of it, and set off ; but before we were half-way over 
we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner that 
we expected every moment our raft to sink, and our- 
selves to perish. I put out my setting-pole to try to 
stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the 
rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence 
against the pole that it jerked me out into ten feet 
water; but I fortunately saved myself by catching 
hold of one of the raft-logs. Notwithstanding all 
our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were 
obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft 
and make to it. 

The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist 
had all his fingers and some of his toes frozen, and 
the water was shut up so hard, that we found no dif- 
ficulty in getting off the island on the ice in the morn- 



22 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

ing, aDcl went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with 
twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to 
war ; but coming to a place on the head of the Great 
Kenhawa, where they found seven people killed and 
scalped (all but one woman with very light hair), 
they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabit 
tants should rise and take them as the authors of the 
murder. They report that the bodies were lying 
about the house, and some of them much torn and 
eaten by the hogs. By the marks which were left, 
they say they were French Indians of the Ottawa 
nation, who did it. 

As we intended to take horses here, and it required 
some time to find them, I went up about three miles 
to the mouth of Youghiogany, to visit Queen Ali- 
quippa, who had expressed great concern that we 
passed her in going to the fort. I made her a pres- 
ent of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter 
was thought much the better present of the two. 

Tuesday, the 1st of January, we left Mr. Frazier's 
house, and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, 
the 2d, where I bought a horse and saddle. The 6th, 
we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and 
stores for a fort at the Fork of the Ohio, and the day 
after, some families going out to settle. This day, 
we arrived at Wills Creek, after as fatiguing a jour^ 
ney as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by exces 
sive bad weather. From the 1st day of December to 
the 1 5th there was but one day on which it did not 
rain or snow incessantly ; and throughout the whole 
journey we met with nothing but one continued se- 
ries of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very un- 
comfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted 
our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency 
of it. 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 23 

On the 11th, 1 got to Belvoir,i where I stopped one 
day to take necessary rest ; and then set out and ar- 
rived in Williamsburg the 16th, where I waited upon 
his Honor the Governor, with the letter I had brought 
from the French commandant, and to give an account 
of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave 
to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains 
the most remarkable occurrences which happened in 
my journey. 

I hope what has been said wiU be sufficient to make 
your Honor satisfied with my conduct ; for that was 
my aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study 
throughout the prosecution of it. 



III. 

WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 

Washington had been an officer in command of Virginia 
troops in the war between England and France, when, in Feb- 
ruary, 1755, General Braddock arrived in Virginia with two 
regiments of regular troops from England. Everybody ex- 
pected that the French would at once be driven out of the Ohic 
valley, and General Braddock was one of the most confident. 
There was a bustle in every quarter, and Alexandria was made 
the headquarters from which troops, military stores, and pro- 
visions were to be sent forward, for they could be brought up 
to that point in men-of-war and transports. 

As soon as Braddock had arrived in the country, Washingtof 
had addressed him a letter of welcome, and now he was keenly 
intent on the general's movements. From Mount Vernon h' 
could see the ships in the Potomac and hear the din of prepara' 
tion. He could not ride into town or to Belvoir without being" 

^ A plantation belonging to the Fairfax family, not far from Mt, 
Vernon. 



24 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

in the midst of the excitement. This was something very dif- 
ferent from the poor, niggardly conduct of war which he had 
known in the colony. It was on a great scale ; it was war car- 
ried on by His Majesty's troops, well clad, splendidl}^ equipped 
and drilled, under the lead of a veteran general. He longed to 
join them. Here would be a chance such as he had never had, 
to learn something of the art of war ; but he held no commis- 
sion, and he had not even a company to offer. Nor was he 
willing to be a militia captain and subject to the orders of some 
lieutenant in the regular army. 

He was considering how he might volunteer, when he received 
exactly the kind of invitation which he desired. He was a 
marked man now, and it did not take long for word to reach 
General Braddock that a young Virginian colonel, who had 
shown great spirit and ability in a recent expedition, and was 
thoroughly familiar with the route they were to take, desired to 
serve under him, but not as a subordinate captain. There was a 
way out of the difficulty, and the General at once invited Wrsh- 
ington to join his military family as aid-de-camp. Washington 
joyfully accepted, and the following brief letters give a glimpse 
of his connection with the disastrous Braddock's Expedition, 
which set out with flags flying to capture Fort Duquesne, where 
Pittsburgh now stands, and was instead terribly defeated on the 
way. Robert Orme, to whom the first letter was written, was 
the aid-de-camp of Braddock who had informed Washington of 
his appointment. 



I. TO EGBERT ORME. 

Mount Vernok, 15 March, 1755. 

Sir: 

I was not favored with your polite letter, of the 2cl 
instant, until yesterday ; acquainting me with the no- 
tice his Excellency, General Braddock, is pleased to 
honor me with, by kindly inviting me to become one 
of his family the ensuing campaign. It is true, sir, 
I have, ever since I declined my late command, ex- 
pressed an inclination to serve in this campaign as a 
volunteer ; and this inclination is not a little increased, 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 25 

since it is likely to be conducted by a gentleman of 
the general's experience. 

But, besides this, and the laudable desire I may 
have to serve with my best abilities my king and 
country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, that 
I am not a little biased by selfish considerations. Tc 
explain, sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowl- 
edge in the military profession, and, believing a more 
favorable opportunity cannot offer than to serve un- 
der a gentleman of General Braddock's abilities and 
experience, it does, you may reasonably suppose, not a 
little contribute to influence my choice. But, sir, as 
I have taken the liberty to express my sentiments so 
freely, I must beg your indulgence while I add, that 
the only bar which can check me in the pursuit of 
this object, is the inconveniences that must necessarily 
result from some proceedings, which happened a little 
before the general's arrival, and which, in some meas- 
ure, had abated the ardor of my desires, and deter- 
mined me to lead a life of retirement, into which I 
was just entering, at no small expense, when your 
favor was presented to me. 

But, as I shall do myself the honor of waiting upon 
his Excellency as soon as I hear of his arrival at 
Alexandria, (I would do it sooner, were I certain 
where to find him,) I shall decline saying anything 
further on this head till then , begging you will be 
pleased to assure him, that I shall always retain a 
grateful sense of the favor with which he is pleased 
to honor me, and that I should have embraced this 
opportunity of writing to him, had I not recently ad- 
dressed a congratulatory letter to him on his safe 
arrival in this country. 

I flatter myself you will favor me in making a com- 
munication of these sentiments. 



26 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

You do me a singular favor in proposing an ac- 
quaintance. It cannot but be attended with the most 
flattering prospects on my part, as you may ahead} 
perceive by the famiharity and freedom with which 1 
now enter upon this correspondence ; a freedom which, 
even if it is disagreeable, you must excuse, and lay 
the blame of it at your own door, for encouraging me 
to throw off that restraint which otherwise might 
have been more obvious in my deportment on such an 
occasion. 

The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excuse 
for my not adding more than that I shall endeavor to 
approve myself worthy of your friendship, and that I 
beg to be esteemed your most obedient servant. 

II. TO JOHN ROBINSON, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF 
DELEGATES, VIRGINIA. 

Mount Vernon, 20 April, 1755. 

Dear Sir: 

I little expected, when I wrote you last, that I 
should so soon engage in another campaign ; but, in 
doing it, I may be allowed to claim some merit, if it is 
considered that the sole motive which invites me to 
the field is the laudable desire of serving my country, 
not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrative 
plans. This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear 
by my going as a volunteer, without expectation of re- 
ward, or prospect of obtaining a command, as I am 
confidently assured it is not in General Braddock's 
power to give me a commission that I would accept. 
Perhaps by many others the above declaration might 
be construed into self-applause, which, unwilling to 
lose, I proclaim myself. But by you, sir, I expect ir 
will be viewed in a different light, because you havo 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 27 

ijnnpatliized in my disappointments, and lent your 
friendly aid to reinstate me in a suitable command ; 
the recollection of which can never be lost upon a 
mind that is not insensible of obligations, but always 
ready to acknowledge them. 

This is the reason why I am so much more unre- 
served, in the expression of my sentiments to you, 
than I should be to the world, whose censures and 
criticisms often place good designs in a bad light. 
But, to be ingenuous, I must confess I have other in- 
tentions in writing you this letter ; for, if there is any 
merit in my case, I am unwilling to hazard it among 
my friends without this exposition of facts, as they 
might conceive that some advantageous offers had en- 
gaged my services, when, in reality, it is otherwise, for 
I expect to be a considerable loser in my private af- 
fairs by going. It is true I have been importuned to 
make this campaign by General Braddock as a mem- 
ber of his family, he conceiving, I suppose, that the 
small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquir- 
ing of the country, Indians, etc., is worthy of his no- 
tice, and may be useful to him in the progress of the 
expedition. 

I heartily wish a happy issue to all your resolves, 
and am, sir, 

Your most obedient servant. 

III. TO WILLIAM FAIRFAX. 

Winchester, 5 May, 1755. 

Dear Sir : 

I overtook the general at Frederic Town, in Mary- 
land. Thence we proceeded to this place, where we 
shall remain till the arrival of the second division of 
the train, which we hear left Alexandria on Tuesda;f 



28 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

last- After that, we shall continue our march to 
Wills Creek ; from whence, it is imagined, we shall 
not stir till the latter end of this month, for want of 
wagons and other conveniences of transport over thdi 
mountains. 

You will naturally conclude, that to pass through 
Maryland, when no object required it, was an uncom- 
mon and an extraordinary route for the general and 
for Colonel Dunbar's regiment to this place. The 
reason, however, was obvious. Those who promoted 
it had rather the communication should be opened 
that way than through Virginia ; but I believe the 
eyes of the general are now opened, and the imposi- 
tion detected ; consequently, the like will not happen 
again. I am, etc. 

IV. TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON. 

Fort Cumberland, 14 May^ 1755. 

Dear Brother : 

As wearing boots is quite the mode, and mine are 
in a declining state, I must beg the favor of you to 
procure me a pair that are good and neat, and send 
them to Major Carlyle, who, I hope, wUl contrive to 
forward them as quickly as my necessity requires. 

I see no prospect of moving from this place soon, as 
we have neither horses nor wagons enough, and no 
forage, except what is expected from Philadelphia ; 
therefore, I am well convinced that the trouble and 
difficulty we must encounter in passing the mountains, 
for the want of proper conveniences, will equal all the 
difficulties of the campaign ; for I conceive the march 
of such a train of artillery, in these roads, to be a tre- 
mendous undertaking. As to any danger from the 
enemy, I look ujion it as trifling, for I believe the. 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 29 

French will be obliged to exert their utmost force to 
repel the attacks to the northward, where Governor 
Shirley and others, with a body of eight thousand 
men, will annoy their settlements, and attempt their 
forts. 

The general has appointed me one of his aids-de^ 
camp, in which character I shall serve this campaigr 
agreeably enough, as I am thereby freed from all com 
mands but his, and give his orders, which must be 
implicitly obeyed. 

I have now a good opportunity, and shall not neg- 
lect it, of forming an acquaintance, which may be ser- 
viceable hereafter, if I find it worth while to push my 
fortune in the military line. 

I have written to my two female correspondents by 
this opportunity, one of whose letters I have enclosed 
to you, and beg your deliverance of it. I shall expect 
a particular account of all that has happened since my 
departure. 

I am, dear Jack, Your most affectionate brother. 

V. TO JOHN A. WASHINGTON. 

YouGHiOGANY, 28 June, 1755. 

Dear Brother : 

Immediately upon our leaving the camp at George s 
Creek, on the 14th instant, from whence I wrote to 
you, I was seized with a violent fever and pain of the 
head, which continued without intermission until the 
23d, when I was relieved, by the general's absolutely 
ordering the physician to give me Dr. James's pow- 
ders, one of the most excellent medicines in the world. 
It gave me immediate ease, and removed my fever and 
other complaints in four days' time. My illness was 
too violent to suffer me to ride ; therefore I was in- 



Ba GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

debted to a covered wagon for some part of my trans- 
portation ; but even in this I could not continue far. 
The jolting was so great, that I was left upon the 
road, with a guard and some necessaries, to wait the 
arrival of Colonel Dunbar's detachment, which was 
two days' march behind us, the general giving me his 
word of honor that I should be brought up before he 
reached the French fort. This promise, and the doc- 
tor's declaration, that if I persevered in my attempts 
to go on, in the condition I then was, my life would 
be endangered, determined me to halt for the above 
mentioned detachment. 

As the communication between this and Wills Creek 
must soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass, 
it will render the intercourse of letters slow and preca- 
rious ; therefore I shall attempt (and will go through 
it if I have strength) to give you an account of our 
proceedings, our situation, and prospects at present ; 
which I desire you will communicate to Colonel Fair- 
fax, and others, my correspondents, for I am too weak 
to write more than this letter. 

In the letter which I wrote to you from George's 
Creek, I acquainted you ' that, unless the number of 
wagons was retrenched and the carriage-horses in- 
creased, we should never be able to see Fort Duquesne. 
This, in two days afterwards (which was about the 
time they got to the Little Meadows, with some of 
their foremost wagons and strongest teams), they 
themselves were convinced of ; for they found that, 
besides the extreme difficulty of getting the wagons 
along at all, they had often a line of three or four 
miles in length ; and the soldiers guarding them were 
so dispersed, that, if we had been attacked either in 
front, centre, or rear, the part so attacked must have 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 31 

been cut off or totally routed, before they could be 
sustained by any other corps. 

At the Little Meadows a second council was called 
(for there had been one before), wherein the urgency 
for horses was again represented to the oiSicers of the 
different corps, and how laudable a farther retrench" 
ment of their baggage would be, that the spare oneg 
might be turned over for the public service. In or<^ 
der to encourage this, I gave up my best horse, which 
I have never heard of since, and took no more bag- 
gage than half my portmanteau would easily contain. 
It is said, however, that the number reduced by this 
second attempt was only from two hundred and ten 
or twelve, to two hundred, which had no perceivable 
effect. 

The general, before they met in council, asked my 
private opinion concerning the expedition. I urged 
him, in the warmest terms I was able, to push for- 
ward, if he even did it with a small but chosen band, 
with such artillery and light stores as were necessary ; 
leaving the heavy artillery, baggage, and the like with 
the rear division of the army, to follow by slow and 
easy marches, which they might do safely while ws 
were advanced in front. As one reason to support 
this opinion, I urged that, if we could credit our in^ 
telligence, the French were weak at the Fork at pres- 
ent, but hourly expected reinforcements, which, to mj 
certain knowledge, could not arrive with provisions, oi 
any supplies, during the continuance of the drought, 
as the Buffalo Kiver (Riviere aux Boeufs), down which 
was their only communication to Venango, must be as 
dry as we now found the Great Crossing of the You- 
ghiogany, which may be passed dry-shod. 

This advice prevailed, and it was determined tha-t 



82 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

the general, with one thousand two hundred chosen 
men, and officers from all the different corps, under 
the following field officers, viz., Sir Peter Halket, 
who acts as brigadier, Lieutenant-Colonel Gage, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Burton, and Major Sparks, with such 
a number of wagons as the train would absolutely re^ 
quire, should march as soon as things could be got in 
readiness. This was completed, and we were on om 
march by the 19th, leaving Colonel Dunbar and Major 
Chapman behind, with the residue of the two regi- 
ments, some independent companies, most of the wo- 
men, and, in short, everything not absolutely essen* 
tial, carrying our provisions and other necessaries upon 
horses. 

We set out with less than thirty carriages, includ- 
ing those that transported the ammunition for the 
howitzers, twelve-pounders, and six-pounders, and all 
of them strongly horsed ; which was a prospect that 
conveyed infinite delight to my mind, though I was 
excessively ill at the time. But this prospect was soon 
clouded, and my hopes brought very low indeed, when 
I found that, instead of pushing on with vigor, with- 
out regarding a little rough road, they were halting to 
level every mole-hill, and to erect bridges over every 
brook, by which means we were four days in getting 
twelve miles. 

At this camp I was left by the doctor's advice and 
the general's positive orders, as I have already men- 
tioned, without which I should not have been prevailed 
upon to remain behind ; as 1 then imagined, and now 
believe, I shall find it no easy matter to join my own 
corps again, which is twenty-five miles in advance. 
Notwithstanding, I had the general's word of honor, 
pledged in the most solemn manner, that I should be 



WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 33 

brought up before he arrived at Fort Duquesne. They 
have had frequent alarms, and several men have been 
scalped ; but this is done with no other design than to 
retard tlie march, and to harass the men, who, if they 
are to be turned out every time a small party attacks 
the guards at night (for I am certain they have not 
sufficient force to make a serious assault), the enemy's 
aim will be accomplished by the gaining of time. 

I have been now six days with Colonel Dunbar's 
corps, who are in a miserable condition for want of 
horses, not having enough for their wagons ; so that 
the only method he has of proceeding is to march 
with as many wagons as these will draw, and then 
halt till the remainder are brought vip with the same 
horses, which requires two days more ; and shortly, I 
believe, he will not be able to stir at all. There has 
been vile management in regard to horses. 

My strength will not admit of my saying more, 
though I have not said half that I intended concerning 
affairs here. Business I shall not think of, but depend 
solely upon your management of all my affairs, not 
doubting that they will be well conducted. I am, etc. 



VI, TO MRS. MARY WASHINGTON, NEAR FREDERICKS- 
BURG. 

Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755. 

Honored Madam : 

As I doubt not but you have heard of our defeat, 
and, perhaps, had it represented in a worse light, if 
possible, than it deserves, I have taken this earliest 
opportunity to give you some account of the engage- 
ment as it happened, within ten miles of the French 
fort, on Wednesday the 9th instant. 



84 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

We inarched to that place without any considerable 
loss, having only now and then a straggler picked up 
by the French and scouting Indians. When we came 
there we were attacked by a party of French and In- 
dians, whose number, I am persuaded, did not exceed 
three hundred men ; while ours consisted of about one 
; thousand three hundred well-armed troops, chiefly 
regular soldiers, who were struck with such a panic 
that they behaved with more cowardice than it is pos- 
sible to conceive. The officers behaved gallantly in 
order to encourage their men, for which they suffered 
greatly, there being near sixty killed and wounded ; a 
large proportion of the number we had. 

The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, 
and were nearly all killed ; for I believe, out of three 
companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are 
left alive. Captain Peyrouny, and aU his officers 
down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Poison had 
nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In 
short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regu- 
lars exposed all others, that were inclined to do their 
duty, to almost certain death ; and at last, despite of 
all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, 
as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to 
rally them. 

The general was wounded, of which he died three 
days after. Sir Peter Halket was killed in the field^ 
where died many other brave officers. I luckily es< 
caped without a wound, though I had four bullets 
through my coat, and two horses shot under me. Cap- 
tains Orme and Morris, two of the aids-de-camp, were 
wounded early in the engagement, which rendered the 
duty harder upon me, as I was the only person then 
left to distribute the general's orders, which I waa 



A VIRGINIA PLANTER. 35 

scarcely able to do, as I was not half recovered from 
a violent illness that liad confined me to my bed and 
a wagon for above ten days. I am still in a weak and 
feeble condition, which induces me to halt here two or 
three days in the hope of recovering a little strength, 
to enable me to proceed homewards ; from whence, I 
fear, I shall not be able to stir till towards Septem- 
ber ; so that I shall not have the pleasure of seeing 
you till then, unless it be in Fairfax. Please to give 
my love to Mr. Lewis and my sister ; and compliments 
to Mr. Jackson, and all other friends that inquire after 
me. I am, honored madam, your most dutiful son. 



IV. 

A VIRGINIA PLANTER. 

The period between the final victory of England over France 
and the war for the independence of the colonies was one of 
perplexity and discussion. It is difficult for us to-day to put 
ourselves in the place of Washington and other men of his 
time. Washington was a Virginian, and was one of the legisla- 
ture. He was used to making laws and providing for the needs 
of the people of Virginia, but he was accustomed to look beyond 
Virginia to England. There the king was, and he was one of the 
subjects of the king. Though he and others might never have 
seen England, it was the centre of the world to them. He 
thought of the other colonies not so much as all parts of one 
great country on this side of the Atlantic, as each separately a 
part of the British empire. 

After all, however, and most of all, he was a Virginian. In 
Virginia he owned land. There was his home, and there his 
occupation. He was a farmer, a planter of tobacco and wheat ; 
and it was his business to sell his products. As for the French, 
fcliey were the enemies of Great Britain, but they were also very 
wear enemies of Virginia. They were getting possession of land 



36 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

in Virginia itself, — land which Washington owned in part ; and 
when he was busily engaged in driving them out, he did not have 
to stop to think of France ; he needed only to think of Fort Du- 
quesne, a few days' march to the westward. 

When, therefore, he found the British government making laws 
which required him to pay roundly for sending his tobacco to 
market, and taxing him as if there were no Virginia legislature 
to say what taxes the people could and should pay, he began to 
be dissatisfied. England was a great way off ; Virginia was 
close at hand. He was loyal to the king and had fought under 
the king's officers, but if the king cared nothing for his loyalty, 
and only wanted his pence, his loyalty was likely to cool. 

Washington had grown up with an intense love of law, arxd 
in this he was like other American Englishmen. In England 
there were very few persons who made the laws. The vast ma- 
jority had nothing to do but to obey the laws. Yet it is among 
the makers of laws that the love of law prevails ; and since in 
America a great many more Englishmen had to do with govern- 
ment in colony and in town than in England, there were more 
who passionately insisted upon the law being observed. An un- 
lawful act was to them an outrage. When they said that Eng- 
land was oppressing them and making them slaves, they did 
not mean that they wanted liberty to do what they pleased, but 
that they wanted to be governed by just laws, made by the men 
who had the right to make laws. That right belonged to the 
legislatures, to which they sent representatives. 

So it was out of his love of law and justice that Washington 
and others protested against the Stamp Act ; and when the act 
was repealed, they threw up their hats and hurrahed, not because 
they should not have to buy and use stamps, but because by re- 
pealing the act, Parliament had as much as said that it was an 
unlawful act. The two letters which follow, written to Bryan 
Fairfax, who was a Virginian Englishman disposed to side with 
Parliament, show how Washington felt and reasoned. 



Mount Vehnon, 20 July, 1774. 

Dear Sir: 

Your letter of the 17th was not presented to me till 
after the resolutions, which were judged advisable for 



A VIRGINIA PLANTER. 37 

this countty to adopt, had been revised, altered, and 
corrected in the committee ; nor till we had gone into 
a general meeting in the court-house, and my atten- 
tion was necessarily called every moment to the busi- 
ness before us. I did, however, upon the receipt of 
it, in that hurry and bustle, hastily run it over, and I 
handed it round to the gentlemen on the bench, of 
whom there were many; but, as no person present 
seemed in the least disposed to adopt your sentiments, 
as there appeared a perfect satisfaction and acquies* 
cence in the measures proposed (except from Mr. 
Williamson, who was for adopting your advice liter- 
ally, without obtaining a second voice on his side)v 
and as a gentleman, to whom the letter was shown, 
advised me not to have it read, as it was not likely 
to make a convert, and was repugnant, some of them 
thought, to every principle we were contending for, I 
forbore to offer it otherwise than in the manner above 
mentioned ; which I shall be sorry for, if it gives you 
any dissatisfaction that your sentiments were not read 
to the county at large, instead of being communicated 
to the first people in it, by offering them the letter in 
the manner I did. 

That I differ very widely from you, in respect to 
the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so much 
and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to 
acknowledge ; and that this difference in opinion prob 
ably proceeds from the different constructions we put 
upon the conduct and intention of the ministry may 
also be true ; but as I see nothing, on the one hand 
to induce a belief that the Parliament would embrace 
a favorable opportunity of repealing acts which thej 
go on with great rapidity to pass in order to enforce 
their tyrannical system ; and, on the other, I observe. 



38 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

or think I observe, that government is pursuing a 
regular plan at the expense of law and justice to over- 
throw our constitutional rights and liberties, how can 
I expect any redress from a measure which has been 
ineffectually tried already ? For, sir, what is it we 
are contending against ? Is it against paying the duty 
of three pence per pound on tea because burdensome? 
No ; it is the right only, that we have all long disputed ; 
and to this end we have already petitioned his Ma- 
jesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjects 
could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of 
Lords and House of Commons in their different leg- 
islative capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, 
we could not be deprived of this essential and valu- 
able part of our constitution. If, then, as the fact 
really is, it is against the right of taxation that we 
now do, and, as I before said, all along have con- 
tended, why should they suppose an exertion of this 
power would be less obnoxious now than formerly ? 
And what reason have we to believe that they would 
make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill 
the breast of every American, if they did not intend 
to enforce it if possible ? 

The conduct of the Boston people could not justify 
the rigor of their measures, unless there had been a 
requisition of payment and refusal of it ; nor did that 
conduct require an act to deprive the government of 
Massachusetts Bay of their charter, or to exempt ot 
fenders from trial in the places where offences were 
committed, as there was not, nor could there be, a 
single instance produced to manifest the necessity of 
it. Are not all these things evident proofs of a fixed 
and uniform plan to tax us ? If we want further 
proofs, do not all the debates in the House of Com 



A VIRGINIA PLANTER 39 

mons serve to confirm this? And has not General 
Gage's conduct since his arrival, in stopping the ad- 
dress of his council and publishing a proclamation 
more becoming a Turkish bashaw than an English 
governor, declaring it treason to associate in any man- 
ner by which the commerce of Great Britain is to be 
affected, — has not this exhibited an unexampled testi- 
mony of the most despotic system of tyranny that ever 
was practised in a free government ? In short, what 
further proofs are wanting to satisfy any one of the 
designs of the ministry than their own acts, which 
are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, 
nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of 
taxation ? What hope have we then from petitioning, 
when they tell us that now or never is the time to 
fix the matter? Shall we, after this, whine and cry 
for relief, when we have already tried it in vain ? Or 
shall we supinely sit and see one province after an- 
other fall a sacrifice to despotism ? 

If I were in any doubt as to the right which the 
Parliament of Great Britain had to tax us without 
our consent, I should most heartily coincide with you 
in opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the 
proper method to apply for relief ; because we should 
then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, 
which, by the law of nature and by our constitution, 
we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I 
should even think it criminal to go further than this, 
under such an idea ; but I have none such. I think 
the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right 
to put their hands into my pocket, without my con- 
sent, than I have to put my hands into yours ; and 
this being already urged to them in a firm but decent 
manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to 
expect anything from their justice ? 



40 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I 
own to you, sir, I think the whole might as well have 
been expunged. I expect nothing from the measure, 
nor should my voice have sanctioned it, if the non-im- 
portation scheme was intended to be retarded by it ,• 
for I am convinced, as much as I am of my existence, 
that there is no relief for us but in their distress ; and 
I think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue 
enough left among us to deny ourselves everything 
but the bare necessaries of life to accomplish this end. 
This we have a right to do, and no power upon earth 
can compel us to do otherwise, till it has first reduced 
us to the most abject state of slavery. The stopping 
of our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter method 
than the other to effect this purpose ; but if we owe 
money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity 
can justify the non-payment of it ; and, therefore, 1 
have great doubts upon this head, and wish to see the 
other method first tried, which is legal and will facili- 
tate these payments. 

I cannot conclude without expressing some concern 
that I should differ so widely in sentiments from you 
on a matter of such great moment and general im- 
port ; and I should much distrust my own judgment 
upon the occasion, if my nature did not recoil at the 
thought of submitting to measures which I think sub- 
versive of everything that I ought to hold dear and 
valuable, and did I not find, at the same time, that 
the voice of mankind is with me. I must apologize 
for sending you so rough a sketch of my thoughts 
upon your letter. When I look back and see the 
length of my own, I cannot, as I am a good deal hur- 
ried at this time, think of takiug off a fair copy. 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 



A VIRGINIA PLANTER, 41 

II. 

Mount Vernon, 24 August, 1774. 

Dear Sir: 

Your letter of the 5th instant came to this place, 
forwarded by Mr. Ramsay, a few days after my re- 
turn from Williamsburg, and I delayed acknowledg- 
ing it sooner, in the hope that I should find time, be- 
fore I began my journey to Philadelphia, to answer 
it fully, if not satisfactorily ; but, as much of my time 
has been engrossed since I came home by company, 
by your brother's sale and the business consequent 
thereupon, in writing letters to England, and now in 
attending to my own domestic affairs previous to my 
departure, I find it impossible to bestow as much at- 
tention on the subject of your letter as I could wish, 
and, therefore, I must rely upon your good nature and 
candor in excuse for not attempting it. In truth, per- 
suaded as I am that you have read all the political 
pieces which compose a large share of the gazettes at 
this time, I should think it, but for your request, a 
piece of inexcusable arrogance in me to make the 
least essay towards a change in your political opin- 
ions ; for I am sure I have no new light to throw upon 
the subject, nor any other arguments to offer in sup- 
port of my own doctrine, than what you have seen ; 
and I could only in general add, that an innate spirit 
of freedom first told me that the measures which the 
administrations have for some time been and now are 
most violently pursuing, are opposed to every princi- 
ple of natural justice ; whilst much abler heads than 
my own have fully convinced me, that they are not 
only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the 
laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, in the 



42 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

establishment of which some of the best blood in the 
kingdom has been spilt. 

Satisfied, then, that the acts of the British Parlia- 
ment are no longer governed by the principles of jus- 
tice, that they are trampling upon the valuable rights 
of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and by 
the constitution they themselves boast of, and con- 
vinced beyond the smallest doubt that these measures 
are the result of deliberation, and attempted to be 
carried into execution by the hand of power, is it a 
time to trifle, or risk our cause upon petitions, which 
with difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown 
by with the utmost contempt ? Or should we, because 
heretofore unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling 
to enter into disputes with the mother country, go on 
to bear more, and forbear to enumerate our just causes 
of complaint ? For my own part, I shall not under- 
take to say where the line between Great Britain and 
the colonies should be drawn ; but I am clearly of 
opinion that one ought to be drawn, and our rights 
clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the 
dispute had been left to posterity to determine, but 
the crisis is arrived when we must assert our rights, or 
submit to every imposition, that can be heaped upon 
us, till custom and use shall make us tame and abject 
slaves. 

I intended to write no more than an apology for not 
writing ; but I find I am insensibly running into a 
length I did not expect, and therefore shall conclude 
with remarking, that, if you disavow the right of Par- 
liament to tax us, unrepresented as we are, we only 
differ in respect to the mode of opposition, and this 
difference principally arises from your belief, that 
they (the Parliaaient, I mean,) want a decent oppor« 



COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 43 

fcunity to repeal the acts ; whilst I am fully convinced 
that there has been a regular, systematic plan formed 
to enforce them, and that nothing but unanimity and 
firmness in the colonies, which they did not expect, 
can prevent it. By the best advices from Boston it 
seems that General Gage is exceedingly disconcerted 
at the quiet and steady conduct of the people of the 
Massachusetts Bay, and at the measures pursuing by 
the other governments. I dare say he expected to 
force those oppressed people into compliance, or irri- 
tate them to acts of violence before this, for a more 
colorable pretence of ruling that and the other colo- 
nies with a high hand. 

I shall set off on Wednesday next for Philadelphia, 
where, if you have any commands, I shall be glad to 
oblige you in them ; being, dear sir, with real regard* 
Your most obedient servant. 



COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

When the second Continental Congress met in May, 1775, 
Washington was a delegate from Virginia, Every one felt the 
gravity and delicacy of the situation. An army had been raised, 
but it was a New England army, for it had been started into life 
by the fight at Lexington and Concord. If the coming struggle 
was to be at Boston, as seemed likely, it was natural that the 
troops should come mainly from that neighborhood. The colo- 
nies were widely separated ; they had not acted much together, 
would it not be better, would it not save ill-feeling, if a New 
England man were to command this New England army ? 

There were some who thought thus ; and besides, there was 
still a good deal of difference of opinion as to the course to be pur- 



44 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

sued. Some were ready for independence ; others, and per- 
haps the most, hoped to bring the British to terms. Parties 
were rising in Congress ; petty jealousies were showing them- 
selves, when suddenly John Adams of Massachusetts, seeing into 
what perplexities they were drifting, came forward with a dis- 
tinct proposition that Congress should adopt the army before 
Boston and appoint a commander. He did not name Washing- 
ton, but described him as a certain gentleman from Virginia who 
could unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies better than 
any other person. No one doubted who was meant, and Washing- 
ton, confused and agitated, left the room at once. 

Nothing else was talked of. The delegates discussed the 
matter in groups and small circles, and a few days afterward a 
Maryland delegate formally nominated George Washington to be 
commander-in-chief of the American Army. He was unani- 
mously elected, but the honor of bringing him distinctly before 
the Congress belongs to John Adams. It seems now a very 
natural thing to do, but really it was something which required 
wisdom and coui-age. When one sums up all Washington's mili- 
tary experience at this time, it was not great, or such as to point 
'Sva. out as unmistakably the leader of the American army. 
There was a general then in command at Cambridge, who had 
seen more of war than Washington had. But Washington was 
the leading military man in Virginia, and it was for this reason 
that John Adams as a New England man urged his election. 
The Congress had done something to bring the colonies together ; 
the war was to do more, but probably no single act had a more 
far-reaching significance in making the Union, than the act of 
naming for the chief place the Virginia Washington by the New 
England Adams. 

It was on the 15th day of June, 1775, that George Washington 
was chosen commander - in - chief. The next day he made his 
answer to Congress, in which he declared that he accepted the 
office, but that he would take no pay ; he would keep an exact 
account of his expenses, but he would give his services to his 
country. There was no time to be lost. He could not go home 
to bid his wife good-by, and he did not know when he should see 
her again, so he wrote her from Philadelphia. He had left a 
relation, Mr. Lund Washington, in charge of the Mount Vernon 
estate, and later in the year he wrote to him a letter of instruo- 
tions about the care of his place. The three letters follow. 



COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, 45 

I. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Mr. President : Though I am truly sensible of 
the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel 
great distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and 
military experience may not be equal to the extensive 
and important trust. However, as the Congress desire 
it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert 
every power I possess in their service, and for the sup- 
port of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my 
most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of 
their approbation. 

But, lest some unlucky event should happen, un- 
favorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remem- 
bered by every gentleman in the room, that I, this day, 
declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think my- 
self equal to the command I am honored with. 

As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress, 
that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted 
me to accept this arduous employment at the expense 
of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to 
make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account 
of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will dis- 
charge ; and that is all I desire. 

II. TO MRS. MARTHA WASHINGTON. 

My Dearest: I am now set down to write to 
you on a subject which fills me with inexpressible 
concern, and this concern is greatly aggravated and 
increased when 1 reflect upon the uneasiness I know 
it will give you. It has been determined in Congress, 
that the whole army raised for the defence of the 
American cause shall be put under my care, and tha- 
it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston 
to take upon me the command of it. 



46 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

You may believe me, my clear Patsy, when I assure 
you in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seek- 
ing this appointment, I have used every endeavor in 
my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness 
to part with you and the family, but from a conscious* 
ness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and 
that I should enjoy more real happiness in one month 
with you at home, than I have the most distant pros- 
pect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven 
times seven years. But as it has been a kind of des- 
tiny that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope 
that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good 
purpose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from 
the tenor of my letters, that I was apprehensive I could 
not avoid this appointment, as I did not pretend to in- 
timate when I should return. That was the case. It 
"was utterly out of my power to refuse this appoint- 
ment without exposing my character to such censures 
as would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and 
given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, 
and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have 
lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I shall 
rely, therefore, confidently on that Providence which 
has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, 
not doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the 
fall. I shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger 
of the campaign ; my unhappiness will flow from the 
uneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone. 
I therefore beg that you will summon your whole for- 
titude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible. 
Nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as 
to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen. My 
earnest and ardent desire is, that you would pursue any 
plan that is most likely to produce content and a toL 



FAMILIAR LETTERS. 47 

erable degree of tranquillity ; as it must add greatly 
to my uneasy feelings to hear that you are dissatisfied 
or complaining at what I really could not avoid. 

As life is always uncertain, and common prudence 
dictates to every man the necessity of settling his tem- 
poral concerns while it is in his power, and while the 
mind is calm and undisturbed, I have, since I came to 
this place (for I had not time to do it before I left 
home), got Colonel Pendleton to draft a will for me, 
by the directions I gave him, which I will now enclose. 
The provision made for you in case of my death, will, 
I hope, be agreeable. 

I shall add nothing more, as I have several letters 
to write, but to desire that you will remember me to 
your friends, and to assure you that I am, with the 
most unfeigned regard, my dear Patsy, your affection- 
ate, (&C. 

III. TO LUND WASHINGTON. 

I well know where the difficulty of accomplishing 
these things will lie. Overseers are already engaged, 
upon shares, to look after my business. Remote ad- 
vantages to me, however manifest and beneficial, are 
nothing to them ; and to engage standing wages, when 
I do not know that anything that I have or can raise 
will command cash, is attended with hazard ; for which 
reason I hardly know what more to say than to dis- 
cover to you my wishes. The same reason, althougt 
it may in appearance have the same tendency in re- 
spect to you, shall not be the same in its operation : 
for I will engage for the year coming, and the year 
following, if these troubles and my absence continue, 
that your wages shall be standing and certain, at the 
highest amount, that any one year's crop has produced 



48 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

to you yet. I do not offer this as any temptation to 
induce you to go on more cheerfully in prosecuting 
these schemes of mine. I should do injustice to you, 
were I not to acknowledge that your conduct has ever 
appeared to me above everything sordid ; but I offer it 
in consideration of the great charge you have upon 
your hands, and my entire dependence upon your 
fidelity and industry. 

It is the greatest, indeed it is the only comfortable 
reflection I enjoy on this score, that my business is in 
the hands of a person concerning whose integrity I 
have not a doubt, and on whose care 1 can rely. Were 
it not for this, I should feel very unhappy on account 
of the situation of my affairs ; but I am persuaded 
you will do for me as you would for yourself, and more 
than this I cannot expect. 

Let the hospitality of the house with respect to the 
poor be kept up. Let no one go hungry away. If 
any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, 
supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage 
them in idleness ; and I have no objection to your 
giving my money in charity, to the amount of forty or 
fifty pounds a year, when you think it well bestowed. 
What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my 
desire that it should be done. You are to consider, 
that neither myself nor wife is now in the way to do 
these good offices. In all other respects I recommend 
it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the 
greatest economy and frugality ; as I suppose you 
know that I do not get a farthing for my services here, 
more than my expenses. It becomes necessary, there- 
fore, for me to be saving at home. 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 49 

VI. 

IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 

On the 2d day of July, 1775, Washington arrived at Cam= 
bridge where the little army which he was to command was 
gathered. The next day, with Lee and other officers he rode to'^ 
the Common, and there, under an elm-tree still standing, took 
command of the American army. The men were in companies 
of various sizes, under captains and other officers who had very 
little authority over the privates, who usually elected their own 
commander. A visitor to the camp relates a dialogue which he 
heard between a captain and one of the privates under him. 

" Bill,'' said the captain, " go and bring a pail of water for the 
men." 

" I shan't," said Bill. " It 's your turn now, captain ; I got 
it last time." 

But the men, though under very little discipline, were good 
stuff out of which to make soldiers. Most of them were in dead 
earnest, and they brought, besides courage, great skill in the 
use of the ordinary musket. A story is told of a company of 
riflemen raised in one of the frontier counties of Pennsylvania. 
So many volunteers applied as to embarrass the leader who 
was enlisting the company, and he drew on a board with chalk 
the figure of a nose of the common size, placed the board at a 
distance of a hundred and fifty yards, and then declared he 
would take only those who could hit the mark. Over sixty suc- 
ceeded. " General Gage, take care of your nose," says the news- 
paper that tells the story. General Gage was at that time the 
commander of the British forces in Boston. 

As soon as he could look about him and see what he had to 
depend upon, and what he needed, Washington wrote to the 
President of Congress, and began that series of letters which 
continued throughout the war. His first letter was written a 
week after he took command. He wrote also to his familiar 
friends and family, and a second letter is here given to his 
brother John. A third letter, written in the winter following to 
Joseph Reed, shows what difficulty Washington found in carry- 
ing on the siege. 



50 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



I. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Camp at Cambridge, 10 July, 1775. 
Sir : I arrived safe at this place on the 3d instant, 
after a journey attended with a good deal of fatigue, 
and retarded by necessary attentions to the successive 
civilities, which accompanied me in my whole route. 

Upon my arrival, I immediately visited the several 
posts occupied by our troops ; and, as soon as the 
weather permitted, reconnoitred those of the enemy. 
I found the latter strongly intrenching on Bunker's 
Hill, about a mile from Charlestown, and advanced 
about a mile from the place of the late action, with 
their sentries extended about one hundred and fifty 
yards on this side of the narrowest part of the neck 
leading from this place to Charlestown. Three float- 
ing batteries lie in Mystic River near their camp, and 
one twenty-gun ship below the ferry- place between 
Boston and Charlestown. They have also a battery on 
Cops Hill, on the Boston side, which much annoyed 
our troops in the late attack. Upon Roxbury Neck, 
they are also deeply intrenched and strongly fortified. 
Their advanced guards, till last Saturday, occupied 
Brown's houses, about a mile from Roxbury meeting- 
i house, and twenty rods from their lines; but at that 
;time a party from General Thomas's camp surprised 
the guard, drove them in, and burned the houses. 
The bulk of their army, commanded by General Howe, 
lies on Bunker's Hill, and the remainder on Roxbury 
Neck, except the light-horse and a few men in the 
town of Boston. 

On our side, we have thrown up intrenchments on 
Winter and Prospect Hills, the enemy's camp in full 
view, at the distance of little more than a mile. Such 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 51 

intermediate points as would admit a landing, I have 
since my arrival taken care to strengthen, down to 
Sewall's farm, where a strong intrenchment has been 
thrown up. At Roxbury, General Thomas has thrown 
up a strong work on the hill, about two hundred 
yards above the meeting-house ; which, with the bro- 
kenness of the ground, and a great number of rocks, 
has made that pass very secure. The troops raised in 
New Hampshire, with a regiment from Rhode Island, 
occupy Winter Hill ; a part of those from Connecti- 
cut, under General Putnam, are on Prospect Hill. 
The troops in this town are entirely of the Massachu- 
setts ; the remainder of the Rhode Island men are at 
Sewall's farm. Two regiments of Connecticut, and 
nine of the Massachusetts, are at Roxbury. The resi- 
due of the army, to the number of about seven hun- 
dred, are posted in several small towns along the 
coast, to prevent the depredations of the enemy. 

Upon the whole, I think myself authorized to say, 
that, considering the great extent of line and the na- 
ture of the ground, we are as well secured as could be 
expected in so short a time, and with the disadvan- 
tages we labor under. These consist in a want of en- 
gineers to construct proper works and direct the men, 
a want of tools, and a sufficient number of men to 
man the works in case of an attack. You will observe, 
by the proceedings of the council of war, v^hich I 
have the honor to enclose, that it is our unanimous 
opinion to hold and defend these works as long as 
possible. The discouragement it would give the men, 
and its contrary effects on the ministerial troops, thus 
to abandon our encampment in their face, formed with 
so much labor and expense, added to the certain de- 
struction of a considerable and valuable extent of 



52 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

country, and our uncertainty of finding a place in all 
respects so capable of making a stand, are leading 
reasons for this determination. At the same time we 
are very sensible of the difficulties which attend the 
defence of lines of so great extent, and the dangers 
which may ensue from such a division of the army. 

My earnest wish to comply with the instructions o£ 
the Congress, in making an early and complete return 
of the state of the army, has led to an involuntary de- 
lay of addressing you ; which has given me much 
concern. Having given orders for that purpose im- 
mediately on my arrival, and not then so well apprised 
of the imperfect obedience which had been paid to 
those of the like nature from General Ward, I was 
led from day to day to expect they would come in, and 
therefore detained the messenger. They are not now 
so complete as I could wish ; but much allowance is 
to be made for inexperience in forms, and a liberty 
which had been taken (not given) on the subject. 
These reasons, I flatter myself, will no longer exist ; 
and, of consequence, more regularity and exactness 
will in future prevail. This, with a necessary atten- 
tion to the lines, the movements of the ministerial 
troops, and our immediate security, must be my apol- 
ogy, which I beg you to lay before Congress with the 
utmost duty and respect. 

We labor under great disadvantages for want of 
tents ; for, though they have been helped out by a col- 
lection of sails from the seaport towns, the number is 
far short of our necessities. The colleges and houses 
of this town are necessarily occupied by the troops ; 
which affords another reason for keeping our present 
station. But I most sincerely wish the whole army 
was properly provided to take the field, as I am well 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 63 

assured, that, besides greater expedition and activity 
in case of alarm, it would highly conduce to health 
and discipline. As materials are not to be had here, 
I would beg leave to recommend the procuring of a 
farther supply from Philadelphia as soon as possible. 

I should be extremely deficient in gratitude, as well 
as justice, if I did not take the first opportunity to 
acknowledge the readiness and attention, which the 
Provincial Congress^ and different committees have 
shown, to make everything as convenient and agree- 
able as possible. But there is a vital and inherent 
principle of delay incompatible with military service, 
in transacting business through such numerous and 
different channels. I esteem it, therefore, my duty to 
represent the inconvenience which must unavoidably 
ensue from a dependence on a number of persons for 
supplies ; and submit it to the consideration of Con^ 
gress, whether the public service will not be best pro- 
moted by appointing a commissary-general for these 
purposes. We have a striking instance of the prefer- 
ence of such a mode, in the establishment of Connect- 
icut, as their troops are extremely well provided 
under the direction of Mr. Trumbull, and he has at 
different times assisted others with various articles. 
Should my sentiments happily coincide with those of 
your Honors on this subject, I beg leave to propose 
Mr. Trumbull as a very proper person for this depart- 
ment. In the arrangement of troops collected under 
such circumstances, and upon the spur of immediate 
necessity, several appofntments have been omitted, 
which appear to be indispensably necessary for the 
good government of the army, particularly a quarter- 

^ That is, the congress formed by the patriots in Massachu- 
setts. 



64 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

master-general, a commissary of musters, and a com- 
missary of artillery. These I must particularly recom- 
mend to the notice and provision of the Congress. 

I find myself already much embarrassed for want 
of a military chest. These embarrassments will in- 
crease every day. I must therefore most earnestly 
request that money may be forwarded as soon as pos- 
sible. The want of this most necessary article will, I 
fear, produce great inconveniences, if not prevented 
by an early attention. I find the army in general, 
and the troops raised in Massachusetts in particular, 
very deficient in necessary clothing. Upon inquiry, 
there appears no probability of obtaining any supplies 
in this quarter ; and, on the best consideration of this 
matter I am able to form, I am of opinion that a num- 
ber of hunting-shirts, not less than ten thousand, 
would in a great degree remove this difficulty, in the 
cheapest and quickest manner. I know nothing, in 
a speculative view, more trivial, yet which, if put in 
practice, would have a happier tendency to unite the 
men, and abolish those provincial distinctions that 
lead to jealousy and dissatisfaction. 

In a former part of this letter I mentioned the 
•want of engineers. I can hardly express the disap- 
pointment I have experienced on this subject, the skill 
of those we have being very imperfect, and confined to 
the mere manual exercise of cannon ; whereas the war 
in which we are engaged requires a knowledge, com- 
prehending the duties of the field, and fortification. 
If any persons thus qualified are to be found in the 
southern colonies, it would be of great public service 
to forward them with all expedition. 

Upon the article of ammunition I must reecho the 
former complaints on this subject. We are so exceed- 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 65 

ingly destitute, that our artillery will be of little use, 
without a supply both large and seasonable. What 
we have must be reserved for the small arms, and that 
managed with the utmost frugality. 

I am very sorry to observe that the appointment of 
general officers, in the provinces of Massachusetts and 
Connecticut, has not corresponded with the wishes and 
judgment of either the civil or military. The great 
dissatisfaction expressed on this subject, and the ap- 
parent danger of throwing the whole army into the ut- 
most disorder, together with the strong representations 
made by the Provincial Congress, have induced me to 
retain the commissions in my hands until the pleasure 
of the Continental Congress should be further known, 
except General Putnam's, which was given the day I 
came to the camp, and before I was apprised of these 
disgusts. In such a step, I must beg the Congress 
will do me the justice to believe that I have been 
actuated solely by a regard to the public good. 

I have not, nor could I have, any private attach- 
ments ; every gentleman in appointment was a stranger 
to me, but from character; I must, therefore, rely 
upon the candor and indulgence of Congress for their 
most favorable construction of my conduct in this 
particular. General Spencer's disgust was so great at 
General Putnam's promotion, that he left the army 
without visiting me, or making known his intention in 
any respect. ^ 

General Pomroy had also retired before my arrival, 
occasioned, as it is said, by some disappointment from 
the Provincial Congress. General Thomas is much 
esteemed, and most earnestly desired to continue in 
the service ; and, as far as my opportunities have en- 
abled me to judge, I must join in the general opinion. 



56 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

that he is an able, good officer ; and his resignation 
would be a public loss. The postponing of him to 
Pomroy and Heath, whom he has commanded, would 
make his continuance very difficult, and probably oper- 
ate on his mind, as the like circumstances did on that 
of Spencer. 

The state of the army you will find ascertained with 
tolerable precision in the returns which accompany 
this letter. Upon finding the number of men to fall so 
far short of the establishment, and below all expecta- 
tion, I immediately called a council of the general 
officers, whose opinion as to the mode of filling up the 
regiments, and providing for the present exigency, I 
have the honor of enclosing, together with the best 
judgment we are able to form of the ministerial troops. 
From the number of boys, deserters, and negroes, that 
have been enlisted in the troops of this province, I 
entertain some doubts whether the number required 
can be raised here ; and all the general officers agree 
that no dependence can be put on the militia for a 
continuance in camp, or regularity and discipline dur- 
ing the short time they may stay. This unhappy and 
devoted province has been so long in a state of an^ 
archy, and the yoke of ministerial ojDpression has been 
laid so heavily on it, that great allowances are to 
be made for troops raised under such circumstances. 
The deficiency of numbers, discipline, and stores, can 
only lead to this conclusion, that their spirit has ex- 
ceeded their strength. But, at the same time, I would 
humbly submit to the consideration of Congress the 
propriety of making some further provision of men 
from the other colonies. If these regiments should be 
completed to their establishment, the dismission of 
those unfit for duty, on account of their age and char- 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 67 

acter, would occasion a considerable reduction ; and, at 
all events, they have been enlisted upon such terms 
that they may be disbanded when other troops arrive. 
But should my apprehensions be realized, and the regi- 
ments here not be filled up, the public cause would 
suffer by an absolute dependence upon so doubtful an 
event, unless some provision is made against such a 
disappointment. 

It requires no military skill to judge of the difficulty 
of introducing proper discipline and subordination 
into an army, while we have the enemy in view, and 
are in daily expectation of an attack ; but it is of so 
much importance that every effort v.'ill be made to 
this end which time and circumstances will admit. In 
the mean time, I have a sincere pleasure in observing, 
that there are materials for a good army, a great num- 
ber of able-bodied men, active, zealous in the cause, 
and of unquestionable courage. 

I am now, sir, to acknowledge the receipt of your 
favor of the 28th of June, enclosing the resolutions of 
Congress of the 27th, and a copy of a letter from the 
Committee of Albany ; to all which I shall pay due 
attention. 

Generals Gates and Sullivan have both arrived in 
good health. 

f My best abilities are at all times devoted to the ser- 
' vice of my country ; but I feel the weight, importance, 
and variety of my present duties too sensibly, not to 
wish a more immediate and frequent communication 
with the Congress. I fear it may often happen, in the 
course of our present operations, that I shall need 
that assistance and direction from them, which time 
and distance will not allow me to receive. 

Since writing the above, I have also to acknowledge 



68 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

your favor of the 4th instant by Fessenden, and the 
receipt of the commissions and articles of war. Among 
the other returns, I have also sent one of our killed, 
wounded, and missing, in the late action ; but have 
been able to procure no certain account of the loss of 
the ministerial troops. My best intelligence fixes it 
at about five hundr3d killed and six or seven hundred 
wounded ; but it is no more than conjecture, the utmost 
pains being taken on their side to conceal their loss. 

Having ordered the commanding officer to give me 
the earliest intelligence of every motion of the enemy 
by land or water, discernible from the heights of his 
camp, I this instant, as I was closing my letter, re- 
ceived the enclosed from the brigade-major. The de- 
sign of this manoeuvre I know not ; perhaps it may 
be to make a descent somewhere along the coast ; it 
may be for New York ; or it may be practised as a 
deception on us. I thought it not improper, however, 
to mention the matter to you ; I have done the same 
to the commanding officer at New York ; and I shall 
let it be known to the Committee of Safety here, so 
that intelligence may be communicated, as they shall 
think best, along the sea-coast of this government. 
I have the honor to be, etc. 

II. TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. 

Camp at CAMBRroGE, 27 July, 1775. 

Dear Brother: On the 2d instant I arrived at 
this place, after passing through a great deal of de- 
lightful country, covered with grass (although the 
season has been dry), in a manner very different from 
our lands in Virginia. 

I found a mixed multitude of people here, under 
very little discipline, order, or government ; the enemy 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 59 

in possession of a place called Bunker's Hill on 
Charlestown Neck, strongly intrenched, and fortifying 
themselves ; part of our own army on two hills, called 
Winter and Prospect Hills, about a mile and a quar 
ter from the enemy on Bunker's Hill, in a very inse- 
cure state ; another part at this village ; and a third 
part at Eoxbury, guarding the entrance in and out of 
Boston. My whole time, since I came here, has been 
employed in throwing up lines of defence at these three 
several places, to secure, in the first instance, our own 
troops from any attempts of the enemy ; and, in the 
next place, to cut oif all communication between their 
troops and the country. To do this, and to prevent 
them from penetrating into the country with fire and 
sword, and to harass them if they do, is all that is ex- 
pected of me. If effected, it must totally overthrow 
the designs of administration, as the whole force of 
Great Britain in the town and harbor of Boston can 
answer no other end than to sink her under the dis- 
grace and weight of the expense. The enemy's 
strength, including marine forces, is computed, from the 
best accounts I can get, at about twelve thousand men ; 
ours, including sick and absent, at about sixteen thou- 
sand ; but then we have to guard a semicircle of eight 
or nine miles, to every part of which we are obliged 
to be equally attentive ; whilst they, situated as it were 
in the centre of the semicircle, and having the entire 
command of the water, can bend their w^hole force 
against any one part of it with equal facility. This 
renders our situation not very agreeable, though neces- 
sary. However, by incessant labor, Sundays not ex- 
cepted, we are in a much better posture of defence 
now than when I first came. The enclosed, though 
rough, will give you some small idea of Boston and 



60 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

the Bay on this side, as also of the post they have 
taken on Charlestown Neck at Bunker's Hill, and of 
our posts. 

The enemy are sickly and in want of fresh pro- 
visions. Beef, which is chiefly got by slaughtering 
their milch cows in Boston, sells from one shilling to 
eighteen pence sterling per pound ; and that it may not 
become cheaper or more plenty, I have driven all the 
stock within a considerable distance of this place 
back into the country, out of the way of the men- 
of-war's boats. In short, I have done, and shall 
continue to do, everything in my power to distress 
them. The transports have all arrived, and their 
whole reinforcement is landed, so that I can see no 
reason why they should not, if they ever attempt it, 
come boldly out, and put the matter to issue at once. 
If they think themselves not strong enough to do this, 
they surely will carry their arms (having ships of war 
and transports ready) to some other part of the conti- 
nent, or relinquish the dispute ; the last of which the 
ministry, unless compelled, will never agree to do. 
Our works and those of the enemy are so near, and 
the space between is so open, that each sees everything 
the other is doing. 

I recollect nothing more worth mentioning. I shall 
therefore conclude, with my best wishes and love to 
my sister and the family, and compliments to any in- 
quiring friends. 

Your most affectionate brother. 

III. TO JOSEPH REED. 

Cambridge, 14 January^ 1776. 
Dear Sir The bearer presents an opportunity 
to me of acknowledging the receipt of your favor of 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE 61 

the 30th ultimo, which never came to my hands till 
last night, and, if I have not done it before, of your 
other letter of the 23d precediDg. 

The hints you have communicated from time to 
time not only deserve, but do most sincerely and cor- 
dially meet with my thanks. You cannot render a 
more acceptable service, nor in my estimation give me 
a more convincing proof of your friendship, than by a 
free, open, and undisguised account of every matter 
relative to myself or conduct. I can bear to hear of 
imputed or real errors. The man who wishes to stand 
well in the opinion of others, must do this ; because 
he is thereby enabled to correct his faults or remove 
the prejudices wliich are imbibed against him. For 
this reason, I shall thank you for giving me the opin- 
ions of the world upon such points as you know me to 
be interested in ; for, as I have but one capital object 
in view, I could wish to make my conduct coincide 
with the wishes of mankind, as far as I can consist- 
ently ; I mean, without departing from that great line 
of duty which, though hid under ^ cloud for some 
time, from a peculiarity of circumstances, may never- 
theless bear a scrutiny. 

My constant attention to the great and perplexing 
objects, which continually rise to my view, absorbs all 
lesser considerations, and indeed scarcely allows me to 
reflect that there is such a body in existence as the 
General Court of this colony, but when I am reminded 
of it by a committee ; nor can I, upon recollection, dis- 
cover in what instances (I wish they would be more 
explicit) I have been inattentive to, or slighted them. 
They could not, surely, conceive that there was a pro- 
priety in unbosoming the secrets of an army to them r 
that it was necessary to ask their opinion of throwing 



62 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

up an intrenchment, or forming a battalion. It must 
therefore, be what I before hinted to you ; and how t^ 
remedy it I hardly know, as I am acquainted with few 
of the members, never go out of my own lines, nor see 
any of them in them. 

I am exceedingly sorry to hear that your little fieef 
has been shut in by the frost. I hope it has sailed ere 
this, and given you some proof of the utility of it. 
and enabled the Congress to bestow a little more at- 
tention to the affairs of this army, which suffers ex- 
ceedingly by their overmuch business, or too little 
attention to it. We are now without any money in. 
our treasury, powder in our magazines, or arms in our 
stores. We are without a brigadier (the want of 
whom has been twenty times urged), engineers, ex- 
presses (though a committee has been appointed these 
two months to establish them), and by and by, when 
we shall be called upon to take the field, shall not have 
a tent to lie in. Apropos, what is doing with mine ? 

These are evils, but small in comparison of those 
which disturb my present repose. Our enlistments 
are at a stand ; the fears I ever entertained are real- 
ized ; that is, the discontented officers (for I do not 
know how else to account for it) have thrown such 
difficulties or stumbling-blocks in the way of recruit- 
ing, that I no longer entertain a hope of completing the 
army by voluntary enlistments, and I see no move or 
likelihood to do it by other means. In the two last 
weeks we have enlisted but about a thousand men ; 
whereas I was confidently led to believe, by all the 
officers I conversed with, that we should by this time 
have had the regiments nearly completed. Our total 
number upon paper amounts to about ten thousand 
five hundred ; but as a large portion of these are re 



IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 63 

turned not joined, I never expect to receive tliem, as 
an ineffectual order has once issued to call them in„ 
Another is now gone forth, peremptorily requiring all 
officers, under pain of being cashiered, and recruits of 
being treated as deserters, to join their respective reg- 
iments by the 1st day of next month, that I may know 
my real strength ; but if my fears are not imaginary, 
I shall have a dreadful account of the advanced 
month's pay. In consequence of the assurances given, 
and my expectation of having at least men enough 
enlisted to defend our lines, to which may be added 
my unwillingness to burden the cause with unneces- 
sary expense, no relief of militia has been ordered in 
to supply the places of those who are released from 
their engagements to-morrow, and as to whom, though 
many have promised to continue out the month, there 
is no security for their stay. 

Thus am I situated with respect to men. With re- 
gard to arms I am yet worse off. Before the dissolu- 
tion of the old army, I issued an order directing three 
judicious men of each brigade to attend, review, and 
appraise the good arms of every regiment ; and find- 
ing a very great unwillingness in the men to part with 
their arms, at the same time not having it in my power 
to pay them for the months of November and Decem- 
ber, I threatened severely, that every soldier, who 
should carry away his firelock without leave, should 
never receive pay for those months ; yet so many have 
been carried off, partly by stealth, but chiefly as con- 
demned, that we have not at this time one hundred 
guns in the stores, of all that have been taken in the 
prize-ship and from the soldiery, notwithstanding our 
regiments are not half complete. At the same time 
I am told, and believe it, that to restrain the enlist- 



64 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

ment to men with arms, you will get but few of the 
former, and still fewer of the latter which would be 
good for anything. 

How to get furnished I know not. I have applied 
to this and the neighboring colonies, but with what 
success time only can tell. The reflection on my situ- 
ation, and that of this army, produces many an un = 
happy hour when all around me are wrapped in sleep* 
Few people know the predicament we are in, on a 
thousand accounts ; fewer still will believe, if any dis- 
aster happens to these lines, from what cause it flowsv 
I have often thought how much happier I should have 
been, if, instead of accepting the command under such 
circumstances, I had taken my musket on my shoulder 
and entered the ranks, or, if I could have justified 
the measure to posterity and my own conscience, had 
retired to the back country, and lived in a wigwam. 
If I shall be able to rise superior to these and many 
other difficulties which might be enumerated, I shall 
most religiously believe that the finger of Providence 
is in it, to blind the eyes of our enemies ; for surely 
if we get well through this month, it must be for want 
of their knowing the disadvantages we labor under. 

Could I have foreseen the difficulties which have 
come upon us ; could I have known that such a back- 
wardness would have been discovered among the old 
soldiers to the service, all the generals upon earth 
should not have convinced me of the propriety of de- 
laying an attack upon Boston till this time. When it 
can now be attempted, I will not undertake to say ; 
but thus much I will answer for, that no opportunity 
can present itself earlier than my wishes. But as this 
letter discloses some interesting truths, I shall be 
somewhat uneasy until I hear it gets to your hands, 
although the conveyance is thought safe. 



MR. OR GENERAL WASHINGTON. ^5 

VII. 

MR. WASHINGTON OR GENERAL WASHINGTON. 

Not long after the declaration of independence an English 
flset arrived in New York Bay, bringing a large body of troops, 
under the command of Lo?d Howe, who with his brother. Ad- 
miral Howe, had been appointed commissioners to treat with the 
Americans. In reality, they only brought a promise of pardon 
to rebels. It was very clear to Washington that the British 
government had not the slightest intention of listening to the 
grievances of the colonies with a desire to redress them ; but that 
they meant by these proposals to distract the colonies if possible 
and build up a party among them that would oppose the action of 
Congress. There was a little incident attending the arrival of 
the commissioners that showed the feeling which prevailed. The 
letter which follows, written by Washington to the President of 
Congress, describes the affair. Possibly it sounds like very small 
business. In reality it meant a great deal. Were Washington and 
other officers rebels against the king, or were they the officers of a 
government which had declared itself independent of the king ? 
Lord Howe gave up trying to force Washington into the trap, and 
wrote to his government that it would be necessary in future to 
give the American commander his title. Little things like this 
went a great way toward making the people stand erect anc' 
look the world in the face. 

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

New York, 14 July, 1776. 
Sir : General Sullivan, in a letter of the 2d instant^ 
informs me of his arrival with the army at Crown 
Point, where he is fortifying and throwing up works. 
He adds, that he has secured all the stores except 
three cannon left at Chamblee, which in part is made 
up by taking a fine twelve-pounder out of the lake. 
The army is sickly, many with the small-pox ; and he 
is apprehensive the militia, ordered to Join them, will 



66 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

not escape the infection. An officer, whom he had 
sent to reconnoitre, had reported that he saw at St. 
John's about a 'hundred and fifty tents, twenty at St. 
Koy's, and fifteen at Chamblee ; and works at the 
first were busily carrying on. 

About three o'clock this afternoon I was informed^ 
that a flag from Lord Howe .was coming up, and 
waited with two of our whale-boats until directions 
should be given. I immediately convened such of the 
general officers as were not upon other duty, who 
agreed in opinion that I ought not to receive any letter 
directed to me as a private gentleman ; but if other- 
wise, and the officer desired to come up to deliver the 
letter himself, as was suggested, he should come under 
a safe-conduct. Upon this, I directed Colonel Reed 
to go down and manage the affair under the above 
general instruction. On his return he informed me, 
that, after the common civilities, the officer acquainted 
him that he had a letter from Lord Howe to Mr. 
Washington, which he showed under a superscription, 
"To George Washington, Esq." Colonel Reed re- 
plied that there was no such person in the army, and 
that a letter intended for the General could not be re- 
ceived under such a direction. The officer expressed 
great concern, said it was a letter rather of a civil 
than military nature, that Lord Howe regretted he 
had not arrived sooner, that he (Lord Howe) had 
great powers. The anxiety to have the letter received 
was very evident, though the officer disclaimed all 
knowledge of its contents. However, Colonel Reed's 
instructions being positive, they parted. After they 
had got some distance, the officer with the flag again 
put about, and asked under what direction Mr. Wash- 
ington chose to be addressed , to which Colonel Reed 



MR. OR GENERAL WASHINGTON. 67 

answered that his station was well known, and that 
certainly they could be at no loss how to direct to hinio 
The officer said they knew and lamented it ; and again 
repeated his wish, that the letter could be received. 
Colonel Reed told him a proper direction would ob- 
via.te all difficulties, and that this was no new matter, 
this subject having been fully discussed in the course 
of the last year, of which Lord Howe could not be 
ignorant ; upon which they parted. 

I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials ^^* 
punctilio ; but in this instance, the opinion of others 
concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my 
country and my appointment to insist upon that re- 
spect which, in any other than a public view, I would 
willingly have waived. Nor do I doubt but, from the 
supposed nature of the message, and the anxiety ex- 
pressed, they will either repeat their flag, or fall upon 
some mode to communicate the import and conse- 
quence of it. 

The passage of the ships of war and tenders up the 
river is a matter of great importance, and has excited 
much conjecture and speculation. To me two things 
have occurred as leading them to this proceeding: 
first, a design to seize on the narrow passes on both 
sides of the river, giving almost the only land com- 
munication with Albany, and of consequence with our 
northern army, for which purpose they might have 
troops concealed on board, which they deemed compe- 
tent of themselves, as the defiles are narrow ; or that 
they would be joined by many disaffected persons in 
that quarter. Others have added a probability of 
their having a large quantity of arms on board, to be 
in readiness to put into the hands of the Tories im- 
mediately on the arrival of the fleet, or rather at the 



68 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

time they intend to make the/i- attack. The second is, 
to cut off entirely all intercourse between this place 
and Albany by water, and the upper countr\^, and 
to prevent supplies of every kind from going and 
coming. 

These matters are truly alarming, and of such im- 
portance, that I have written to the Provincial Con- 
gress of New York, and recommended to their serious 
consideration the adoption of every possible expedient 
to guard against the two first ; and have suggested 
the propriety of their employing the militia, or some 
part of them, in the counties in which these defiles 
are, to keep the enemy from possessing them, till fur- 
ther provision can be made ; and to write to the sev- 
eral leading persons on our side in that quarter to be 
attentive to all the movements of the ships and the 
disaffected, in order to discover and frustrate what- 
ever pernicious schemes they have in view. 

In respect to the second conjecture of my own, and 
which seems to be generally adopted, I have the pleas- 
ure to inform Congress, that, if their design is to 
keep the armies from provision, the commissary has 
told me upon inquiry, that he has forwarded supplies 
to Albany (now^ there and above it) sufficient for 
ten thousand men for four months; that he has a 
sufficiency here for twenty thousand men for three 
months, and an abundant quantity secured in different 
parts of the Jerseys for the Flying Camp, besides 
having about four thousand barrels of flour in some 
neighboring part of Connecticut. Upon this head, 
there is but little occasion for aT?y apprehensions, at 
least for a considerable time. 



AT VALLEY FORGE, 69 

VIII. 
AT VALLEY FORGE, 

Th£ American army was defeated at the battle of Brandy- 
>viLt, September 10, 1777. Afterward, at Germantown, it had 
btttei- fortune, but the British were in possession of Philadelphia, 
and Washington led his army into winter - quarters at Valley 
Forge. The place was equally distant with Philadelphia from 
tho Brandy wine and from the ferry across the Delaware into 
Ntw Jersey. It was too far from Philadelphia to be in peril from 
attack, and yet it was so near that the American army could, if 
op^3ortunity offered, descend quickly upon the city. Then it 
was so protected by hills and streams that the addition of a few 
lines of fortification made it very secure. 

But there was no town at Valley Forge, and it became neces- 
sary to provide some shelter for the soldiers other than the can- 
vas tents which served in the field in summer. It was the middle 
of December when the army began preparations for the winter, 
and Washington gave directions for the building of the little 
village. Each hut was to hold twelve persons, and was to be 
fourteen feet by sixteen, the sides, ends, and roof to be made of 
logs, and the sides made tight with clay. There was to be a fire- 
place in the rear of each hut, built of wood, but lined with clay 
eighteen inches thick. The walls were to be six and a half feet 
high. Huts were also to be provided for the officers, and to be 
placed in the rear of those occupied by the troops. All these were 
to be regularly arranged in streets. A visitor to the camp when 
the huts were being built wrote of the army : " They appear to 
me like a family of beavers, every one busy ; some carrying logs, 
others mud, and the rest plastering them together." It was 
bitter cold, and for a month the men were hard at work. 

But in what sort of condition were the men themselves when 
they began this work ? Here is a picture of one of these men 
on his way to Valley Forge. " His bare feet peep through his 
worn-out shoes, his legs nearly naked from the tattered remains 
of an only pair of stockings, his breeches not enough to cover 
his nakedness, his shirt hanging in strings, his hair disheveled, his 
face wan and thin, his look hungry his whole appearance that of 



7G GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

a man forsaken and neglected." And the snow was falling! 
This was one of the privates. The officers were scarcel}/ 
better off. One was wrajjped " in a sort of dressing-gown made 
from an old blanket or woolen bed-cover." The uniforms were 
torn and ragged ; the guns were rusty ; a few only had bayo 
nets ; the soldiers carried their powder in tin boxes and cow 
horns. 

To explain why this army was so poor and forlorn, would bk. 
to tell a long story. It may be summed up briefly in these 
words : the army was not taken care of because there was no 
country to take care of it. There were thirteen States, and each 
of these States sent troops into the field, but all of the States 
were jealous of each other. There was a Congress, which under- 
took to direct the war, but the members of Congress, coming 
from the several States, were jealous of one another. The first 
fervor with which they had talked about a common country had 
died away ; there were some very selfish men in Congress, who 
could not be patriotic enough to think of the whole country. 

The truth is, it takes a long time for the people of a country to 
come to feel that they have a country. Up to the time of the war 
for independence the people in America did not care much for 
one another or for America. They had really been preparing to 
be a nation, but they did not know it. They were angry with 
Great Britain, and they knew they had been wronged. They were 
therefore ready to fight ; but it does not require so much courage 
to fight as to endure suffering and to be patient. So it was 
that the people of America who were most conscious that they 
were Americans were the men who were in the army, and their 
wives and mothers and sisters at home. All these were making 
sacrifices for their country and so learning to love it. The men 
in the army came from different States, and there was a great deal 
of State feeling among them ; but, after all, they belonged to one 
army, the continental army, and they had much more in common 
than they had separately. Especially they had a great leader 
who made no distinction between Virginians and New England 
men. Washington felt keenly all the lack of confidence which 
Congress showed. He saw that the spirit in Congress was one 
which kept the people divided, while the spirit at Valley Forge 
kept the people united. It was during this terrible winter that 
he wrote the following letter. 



AT VALLEY FORGE. 71 



TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Valley Forge, 23 December^ 1117. 

Sir : Full as I was in my representation of the 
matters in the commissary's department yesterday, 
fresh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add, that 
I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that, unless some 
great and capital change suddenly takes place in that 
line, this army must inevitably be reduced to one or 
other of these three things : starve, dissolve, or disperse 
in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they 
can. Rest assured, sir, this is not an exaggerated 
picture, and that I have abundant reason to suppose 
what I say. 

Yesterday afternoon, receiving information that the 
enemy in force had left the city, and were advancing 
towards Derby with the apparent design to forage and 
draw subsistence from that part of the country, I 
ordered the troops to be in readiness, that I might 
give every opposition in my power ; when behold, to 
my great mortification, I was not only informed but 
convinced, that the men were unable to stir on account 
of provision, and that a dangerous mutiny, begun 
the night before, and which with difficulty was sup- 
pressed by the spirited exertions of some officers, was 
still much to be apprehended for want of this article. 
This brought forth the only commissary in the pur- 
chasing line in this camp ; and, with him, this melan- 
choly and alarming truth, that he had not a single 
hoof of any kind to slaughter, and not more than 
twenty-five barrels of flour! From hence form an 
opinion of our situation when 1 add that he could not 
tell when to expect any. 

All I could do, under these circumstances, was to 



72 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

send out a few light parties to watch and harass the 
enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached 
different ways to collect, if possible, as much provis- 
ion as would satisfy the present pressing wants of the 
soldiery. But will this answer ? No, sir ; three or 
four days of bad weather would prove our destructiono 
What, then, is to become of the army this winter? 
And if we are so often without provisions now, what is 
to become of us in the spring, when our force will be 
collected, with the aid perhaps of militia to take ad- 
vantage of an early campaign, before the enemy can 
be reinforced? These are considerations of great 
magnitude, meriting the closest attention ; and they 
will, when my own reputation is so intimately con-, 
nected with the event as to be affected by it, justify 
my saying, that the present commissaries are by no 
means equal to the execution of the office, or that the 
disaffection of the people is past all belief. The mis- 
fortune, however, does in my opinion proceed from both 
causes ; and though I have been tender heretofore of 
giving my opinion, or lodging complaints, as the 
change in that department took place contrary to my 
judgment, and the consequences thereof were pre- 
dicted ; yet, finding that the inactivity of the army, 
whether for want of provisions, clothes, or other es- 
sentials, is charged to my account, not only by the 
common vulgar but by those in power, it is time to 
speak plain in exculpation of myself. With truth,, 
then, I can declare, that no man in my opinion ever 
had his measures more impeded than I have, by every 
department of the army. 

Since the month of July we have had no assistance 
from the quartermaster-general, and to want of assist- 
ance from this department the commissary -genera] 



AT VALLEY FORGE. 73 

charges great part of his deficiency. To this I am to 
add, that, notwithstanding it is a standing order, and 
often repeated, that the troops shall always have two 
days' provisions by them, that they might be ready at 
any sudden call ; yet an opportunity has scarcely ever 
offered, of taking advantage of the enemy, that has 
not been either totally obstructed, or greatly impeded 
on this account. And this, the great and crying evil, is 
not all. The soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed 
by Congress, we see none of, nor have we seen them, 
I believe, since the Battle of Brandy wine. The first, 
indeed, we have now little occasion for ; few men 
having more than one shirt, many only the moiety of 
one, and some none at all. In addition to which, as a 
proof of the little benefit received from a clothier- 
general, and as a further proof of the inability of an 
army, under the circumstances of this, to perform the 
common duties of soldiers, (besides a number of men 
confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in 
farmers' houses on the same account,) we have, by & 
field return this day made, no less than two thousand 
eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp unfit 
for duty, because they are barefoot and otherwise 
naked. By the same return it appears that our whole 
strength in Continental troops, including the eastern 
brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of 
General Burgoyne, exclusive of the Maryland troops 
sent to Wilmington, amounts to no more than eight 
thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty; notwith= 
standing which, and that since the 4th instant, our 
numbers fit for duty, from the hardships and ex- 
posures they have undergone, particularly on account 
of blankets (numbers having been obliged, and still 
are, to sit up all night by fires, instead of taking 



74 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

comfortable rest in a natural and common way), have 
decreased near two thousand men. 

We find gentlemen, without knowing whether the 
army was really going into winter-quarters or not (for 
I am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the 
remonstrance), reprobating the measure as much as 
if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or 
stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow ; and 
inoreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for 
an inferior army, under the disadvantages I have 
described ours to be, which are by no means exagger« 
ated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well ap- 
pointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within 
the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from depreda- 
tion and waste the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey. 
But what makes this matter still more extraordinary 
in my eye is that these very gentlemen — who were 
well apprised of the nakedness of the troops from 
ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers 
worse clad than others, and who advised me near a 
month ago to postpone the execution of a plan I was 
about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Con- 
gress for seizing clothes, under strong assurances that 
an ample supply would be collected in ten days agree- 
ably to a decree of the State (not one article of which, 
by the by, is yet come to hand) — should think a^ 
winter's campaign, and the covering of these States]' 
from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicable^ 
a business. I can assure those gentlemen, that it is 
a much easier and less distressing thing to draw re- 
monstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, 
than to occupy a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost 
and snow, without clothes or blankets. However, al- 
though they seem to have little feeling for the naked 



AT VALLEY FORGE. 75 

and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for 
them, and from my soul I pity those miseries, which 
it is neither in my power to relieve nor prevent. 

It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have dwelt 
upon the subject ; and it adds not a little to my other 
difficulties and distress to find that much more is ex- 
pected of me than is possible to be performed, and that 
upon the ground of safety and policy I am obliged 
to conceal the true state of the army from public view, 
and thereby expose myself to detraction and calumny. 
The honorable committee of Congress went from camp 
fully possessed of my sentiments respecting the estab- 
lishment of this army, the necessity of auditors of 
accounts, the appointment of officers, and new arrange- 
ments. I have no need, therefore, to be prolix upon 
these subjects, but I refer to the committee. I shall 
add a word or two to show, first the necessity of some 
better provision for binding the officers by the tie of in- 
terest to the service, as no day nor scarce an hour passes 
without the offer of a resigned commission ; (other- 
wise I much doubt the practicability of holding the 
army together much longer, and in this I shall proba- 
bly be thought the more sincere, when I freely declare 
that I do not myself expect to derive the smallest bene- 
fit from any establishment that Congress may adopt, 
otherwise than as a member of the community at large 
in the good, which I am persuaded will result from the 
measure, by making better officers and better troops ;) 
and, secondly, to point out the necessity of making the 
appointments and arrangements without loss of time. 
We have not more than three months in which to pre- 
pare a great deal of business. If we let these slip or 
waste, we shall be laboring under the same difficulties 
all next campaign, as we have been this, to rectify 
mistakes and bring things to order. 



76 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Military arrangement, and movements in conse- 
quence, like the mechanism of a clock, will be imperfect 
and disordered by the want of a part. In a very sen- 
sible degree have I experienced this, in the course of 
the last summer, several brioades havins: no brio-adiers 
appointed to them till late, and some not at all ; by 
which means it follows that an additional weight is 
thrown upon the shoulders of the commander-in-chief, 
to withdraw his attention from the great line of his 
duty. The gentlemen of the committee, when they 
were at camp, talked of an expedient for adjusting 
these matters, which I highly approved and wish to see 
adopted : namely, that two or three members of the 
Board of War, or a committee of Congress, should 
repair immediately to camp, where the best aid can be 
had, and with the commanding officer, or a committee 
of his appointment, prepare and digest the most per- 
fect plan that can be devised for correcting all abuses 
and making new arrangements ; considering what is to 
be done with the weak and debilitated regiments, if the 
States to which they belong will not draft men to fill 
them, for as to enlisting soldiers it seems to me to be 
totally out of the question ; together with many other 
things that would occur in the course of such a con- 
ference ; and, after digesting matters in the best 
manner they can, to submit the whole to the ultimate 
determination of Congress. 

If this measure is approved, I would earnestly ad 
vise the immediate execution of it, and that the com- 
missary-general of purchases, whom I rarely see, may 
be directed to form magazines without a moment's 
delay in the neighborhood of this camp, in order to 
secure provision for us in case of bad weather. The 
quartermaster-general ought also to be busy in his 



FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 77 

department. In short, there is as much to be done in 
preparing for a campaign as in the active part o£ it. 
Everything depends upon the preparation that is made 
in the several departments, and the success or mis- 
fortunes of the next campaign will more than proba- 
bly originate with our activity or supineness duiing 
this winter. 



IX. 

FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 

The terrible winter at Valley Forge was the lowest point of 
/Repression reached during the war for independence. The army 
during that winter was splendidly drilled by Baron Steuben, and 
in the spring news came that a treaty had been made with 
France. Cornwallis surrendered October 19, 1781, and after 
two mor<^ years, a treaty of peace was signed with Great Britain, 
and Washington, November 2, 1783, issued from Princeton, New 
Jersey, where Congress was in session, the following farewell 
address. 

The United States in Congress assembled, after 
giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of 
the federal armies, and presenting them with the 
thanks of their country for their long, eminent, and 
faithful services, having thought proper, by their proc- 
lamation bearing date the 18th day of October last, 
to discharge such part of the troops as were engaged 
for the war, and to permit the officers on furloughs to 
retire from service, from and after to-morrow ; which 
proclamation having been communicated in the public 
papers for the information and government of all con- 
cerned, it only remains for the commander-in-chief 
t9 address himself once more, and that for the last 



78 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

time, to the armies of the United States (however 
widely dispersed the individuals who composed them 
may be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long fare- 
well. 

But before the commander-in-chief takes his final 
leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge 
himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight 
review of the past. He will then take the liberty of 
exploring with his military friends their future pros- 
pects, of advising the general line of conduct which, 
in his opinion, ought to be pursued ; and he will con- 
clude the address by expressing the obligations he 
feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance 
he has experienced from them, in the performance of 
an arduous office. 

A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a 
period earlier than could have been expected) of the 
object for which we contended against so formidable 
a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment 
and o^ratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances 
on our part, under which the war was undertaken, 
can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions 
of Providence in our feeble condition were such as 
could scarcely escape the attention of the most unob- 
serving ; while the unparalleled perseverance of the 
armies of the United States, through almost every 
possible suffering and discouragement for the space of 
eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle. 

It is not the meaning nor within the compass of 
this address to detail the hardships peculiarly inci- 
dent to our service, or to describe the distresses which 
in several instances have resulted from the extremes 
of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors of 
an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to dwell on 



FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 79 

the dark side of our past affairs. Every American 
officer and soldier must now console liimseK for any- 
unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred, 
by a recollection of the uncommon scenes of which he 
has been called to act no inglorious part, and the 
astonishing events of which he has been a witness ; 
events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place 
on the stage of human action nor can they probably 
ever happen again. For who has before seen a disci- 
plined army formed at once from such raw materials ? 
Who, that was not a witness, could imagine, that the 
most violent local prejudices would cease so soon ; and 
that men, who came from the different parts of the 
continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education 
to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly 
become but one patriotic band of brothers ? Or who, 
tliat was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which 
such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such 
a glorious period put to all our warlike toils ? 

It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged 
prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of 
our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the 
power of description. And shall not the brave men, 
who have contributed so essentially to these inestima- 
ble acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of 
war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the 
blessings which have been obtained? In such a re= 
public, who will exclude them from the rights of citi- 
zens, and the fruits of their labor ? In such a coun- 
try, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce 
and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry 
the certain road to competence. To those hardy sol- 
diers, who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the 
fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment; 



80 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will 
yield a most happy asylum to those who, fond of 
domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal indepen- 
dence. Nor is it possible to conceive that any one of 
the United States will prefer a national bankruptcy, 
and a dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with 
the requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its 
just debts ; so that the officers and soldiers may expect 
considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil oc- 
cupations, from the sums due to them from the public, 
which must and will most inevitably be paid. 

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to re- 
move the prejudices which may have taken possessiop 
of the minds of any of the good people of the States^ 
it is earnestly recommended to all the troops that, with 
strong attachments to the Union, they should carry 
with them into civil society the most conciliating dis- 
positions, and that they should prove themselves not 
less virtuous and useful as citizens than they have 
been persevering and victorious as soldiers. What 
though there should be some envious individuals, who 
are unwilling to pay the debt the public has con- 
tracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet let 
such unworthy treatment produce no invectives, nor 
any instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be re- 
membered that the unbiased voice of the free citizens 
of the United States has promised the just reward and 
given the merited applause. Let it be known and 
remembered that the reputation of the federal armies 
is established beyond the reach of malevolence ; and 
let a consciousness of their achieveinents and fame 
still incite the men who composed them to honorable 
actions ; under the persuasion that the private virtues 
of economy, prudence and industry will not be less 



FAREWELL TO THE ARMY, 81 

amiable in civil life than the more splendid qualities 
of valor, perseverance and enterprise were in the field.- 
Every one may rest assured that much, very much of 
the future happiness of the officers and men will 
depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall 
be adopted by them when they are mingled with the 
great body of the community. And although the 
general has so frequently given it as his opinion ii? 
the most public and explicit manner that, unless the 
principles of the federal government were properly 
supported, and the powers of the Union increased, 
the honor, dignity and justice of the nation woidd be 
lost forever ; yet he cannot help repeating on this oc- 
casion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as 
his last injunction to every officer and every soldier, 
who may view the subject in the same serious point 
of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his 
w^orthy fellow - citizens toward effecting these great 
and valuable purposes, on which our very existence 
as a nation so materially depends. 

The commander - in - chief conceives little is now 
wanting to enable the soldiers to change the military- 
character into that of the citizen, but that steady and 
decent tenor of behavior which has generally distin- 
guished, not only the army under his immediate com-, 
mand, but the different detachments and separate 
armies through the course of the war. From their 
good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest 
consequences, and while he congratulates them on the 
glorious occasion which renders their services in the 
field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the 
strong obligations he feels himself under for the assist- 
ance he has received from every class and in every 
instance. He presents his thanks in the most serious 



82 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

and affectionate manner to tlie general officers, as well 
for their counsel on manj^ interesting occasions, as for 
their ardor in promoting the success of the plans he 
had adopted ; to the commandants of regiments and 
corps, and to the other officers, for their great zeal 
and attention in carrying his orders promptly into 
execution ; to the staff, for their alacrity and exact- 
ness in performing the duties of their several depart- 
ments ; and to the non-commissioned officers and pri 
vate soldiers, for their extraordinary jDatience and 
suffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in ac- 
tion. To the various branches of the army the Gen- 
eral takes this last and solemn opportunity of pro- 
fessing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He 
wishes more than bare professions were in his power ; 
that he were really able to be useful to them all in 
future life. He flatters himself, however, they will 
do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with 
propriety be attempted by him has been done. 

And being now to conclude these his last public 
orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of 
the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the 
armies he has so long had the honor to command, he 
can only again offer in their behalf his recommenda- 
tions to their grateful country, and his prayers to the 
God of armies. May ample justice be done them 
here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both 
here and hereafter, attend those who, under the Di- 
vine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for 
others. With these wishes and his benediction, the 
commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. 
The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the 
military scene to him will be closed forever. 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 83 



X. 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED 
STATES. 

Washington was chosen first President of the United States, 
and at the end of his term he was again chosen. When his 
second term drew near its close, he refused to be a candidate 
for reelection, and. six months before he was to leave the Presi=> 
dent's chair he issued the following farewell address, September 
17, 1796. 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens : The period for 
a new election of a citizen, to administer the execu- 
tive government of the United States, being not far 
distant, and the time actually arrived when your 
thoughts must be employed in designating the person 
who is to be clothed with that important trust, it ap- 
pears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a 
more distinct expression of the public voice, that I 
should now apprise you of the resolution I have 
formed, to decline being considered among the num- 
ber of those out of whom a choice is to be made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to 
be assured, that this resolution has not been taken 
without a strict regard to all the considerations apper- 
taining to the relation which binds u dutiful citizen tc 
Lis country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of 
service, which silence in my situation might imply, I 
am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your fu 
ture interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for 
your past kindness ; but am supported hj a full con- 
viction that the step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, 



84 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

iiave been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to ^he 
opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared 
to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would 
have been much earlier in my power, consistently with 
motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to re- 
turn to that retirement from which I had been reluc- 
tantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to dc 
this, previous to the last election, had even led to the 
preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but 
mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical 
posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the 
unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, 
impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as 
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of incli- 
nation incompatible with the sentiment of duty or 
propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may 
be retained for my services, that, in the present cir- 
cumstances of our country, you will not disapprove 
my determination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the 
arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. 
In the discharge of this trust I will only say that I 
have with good intentions contributed toward the or- 
ganization and administration of the government the 
best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was 
capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferi= 
ority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes 
perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strength- 
ened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and every 
day the increasing weight of years admonishes me 
more and more that the shade of retirement is as 
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, 
if aiiy circumstances have given peculiar value to my 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 85 

services, they were temporary, I have the consolation 
to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to 
quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is in- 
tended to terminate the career of my public life, my 
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac- 
knowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe 
to my beloved country for the many honors it has con- 
ferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confi- 
dence with which it has supported me ; and for the 
opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting 
my inviolable attachment by services faithful and per- 
severing, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If 
benefits have resulted to our country from these ser 
vices, let it always be remembered to your praise, and 
as an instructive example in our annals, that under 
circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every 
direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances 
sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often dis- 
couraging, in situations in which not unfrequently 
want of success has countenanced the spirit of criti- 
cism, the constancy of your support was the essential 
prop of the efforts, and a guaranty of the plans by 
which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with 
this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a 
strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may 
continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence , 
that your union and brotherly affection may be per- 
petual ; that the free constitution, which is the work 
of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its 
administration in every department may be stamped 
with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness 
of the people of these States, under the auspices of 
liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preser* 



80 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

vation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will 
acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the 
applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation 
which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude 
for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life^ 
and the apprehension of danger natural to that solid 
tude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, tc 
offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend 
to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are 
the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable ob- 
servation, and which appear to me all-important to 
the permanency of your felicity as a people. These 
will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you 
can only see in them the disinterested warnings of 
a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal 
motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an 
encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my 
sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is 
necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government, which constitutes you one 
people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it 
is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, 
the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace 
abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that 
very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is 
easy to foresee that from different causes and from 
different quarters much pains will be taken, many 
artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the convic- 
tion of this truth ; as this is the point in your political 
fortress against which the batteries of internal and 
e^tternal enemies will be most constantly and actively 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 87 

(though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is 
of infinite moment that you should properly estimate 
the immense value of your national union to your col- 
lective and individual happiness ; that you should 
cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment 
to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it 
as of the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity ; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even 
a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; 
and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of 
every attempt to alienate any portion of our country 
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now 
link together the various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy 
and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a com- 
mon country, that country has a right to concentrate 
your affections. The name of America, which belongs 
to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt 
the jast pride of patriotism, more than any appella- 
tion derived from local discriminations. With slight 
shades of difference, you have the same religion, man- 
ners, habits, and political principles. You have in a 
common cause fought and triumphed together ; the 
independence and liberty you possess are the work of 
joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, 
sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they 
address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
weighed by those which apply more immediately to 
your interest. Here every portion of our country finds 
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding 
and preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 



88 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

South, protected by the equal laws of a common gov- 
ernment, finds in the productions of the latter great 
additional resources of maritime and commercial en- 
terprise and precious materials of manufacturing in- 
dustry. The South in the same intercourse, benefiting 
by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow 
and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its 
own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its 
particular navigation invigorated ; and, while it con- 
tributes in different ways to nourish and increase the 
general mass of the national navigation, it looks for- 
ward to the protection of a maritime strength, to 
which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a 
like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in 
the progressive improvement of interior comniunica>. 
tions by land and water will more and more find, a 
valuable vent for the commodities which it brings 
from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West 
derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth 
and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater con- 
sequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoy- 
ment of indispensable outlets for its own productions 
to the weight, influence, and the future maritime 
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed 
by an indissoluble community of interest as one na- 
tion. Any other tenure by which the West can hold 
this essential advantage, whether derived from its own 
separate strength or from an apostate and unnaturaJ 
connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsi- 
cally precarious. 

While, then, every part of our country thus feels 
an immediate and particular interest in union, all the 
parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass 
of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource. 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 89 

proportionably greater security from external danger, 
a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign 
nations, and, what is of inestimable value, they must 
derive from union an exemption from those broils and 
wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict 
neighboring countries not tied together by the same 
governments, which their own rivalships alone would 
be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign 
alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate 
and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the 
necessity of those overgrown military establishments 
which, under any form of government, are inau- 
spicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as 
particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this 
sense it is that your union ought to be considered as 
a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the 
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the 
continuance of the Union as a primary object of patri- 
otic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common 
government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let ex- 
perience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in 
such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope 
that a proper organization of the whole, with the aux- 
iliary agency of governments for the respective subdi- 
visions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 
It is well worth a fair and full experiment. Witt 
such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting 
all parts of our country, while experience shall not 
have demonstrated its impracticability, there will al- 
ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who 
in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. 



90 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that 
any ground should have been furnished for charac* 
terizing parties by geographical discriminations Nor- 
thern and Southern, Atlantic and Western ; whence 
designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that 
there is a real difference of local interests and views. 
One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, 
within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opin- 
ions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield 
yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- 
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; 
they tend to render alien to each other those who 
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. 
The inhabitants of our western country have lately 
had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen, in 
the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous 
ratification by the senate, of the treaty with Spain, 
and in the universal satisfaction at that event through- 
out the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded 
were the suspicions propagated among them of a pol- 
icy in the general government and in the Atlantic 
States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the 
Mississippi ; they have been witnesses to the forma- 
tion of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that 
with Spain, which secure to them everything they 
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, 
towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be 
their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these ad- 
vantages on the Union by which they were procured '^ 
Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers 
if such there are, who would sever them from theii 
brethren and connect them with aliens? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 91 

government for the whole is indispensable. No al- 
liances, however strict, between the parts can be an 
adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience 
the infractions and interruptions which all alliances 
in all times have experienced. Sensible of this mo- 
mentous truth, 3^ou have improved upon your first 
essay, by the adoption of a constitution of govern* 
ment better calculated than your former for an inti- 
mate union, and for the efficacious management of 
your common concerns. This government, the off- 
spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, 
adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera- 
tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribu- 
tion of its powers, uniting security with energy, and 
containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your 
support. Respect for its authority, compliance with 
its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties en- 
joined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. 
The basis of our political systems is the right of the 
people to make and to alter their constitutions of gov- 
ernment. But the constitution which at any time 
exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act 
of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. 
The very idea of the power and the right of the peo- 
ple to establish government presupposes the duty o£ 
every individual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all 
combinations and associations, under whatever plausi- 
ble character, with the real design to direct, control, 
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and ac- 
tion of the constituted authorities, are destructive of 
this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. 
They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial 



92 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of the 
delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often 
a small but artful and enterprising minority of the 
community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs 
of different parties, to make the public administration 
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro 
jects of fashion, rather than the organs of consistent 
and wholesome plans digested by common councils, 
and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above 
description may now and then answer popular ends, 
they are likely, in the course of time and things, to be- 
come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and 
unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power 
of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of 
government ; destroying afterwards the very engines 
which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and 
the permanency of your present happy state, it is 
requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance 
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, 
but also that you resist with care the spirit of innova- 
tion upon its principles, however specious the pre- 
texts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the 
forms of the constitution, alterations, which will 
impair the energy of the system, and thus to under- 
mine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the 
changes to which you may be invited, remember that 
time and hfibit are at least as necessary to fix the true 
character of governments as of other human institu- 
tions ; that experience is the surest standard by which 
to test the real tendency of the existing constitution 
of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit 
of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 93 

change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
opinion ; and remember, especially, that, for the effi- 
cient management of your common interests, in a coun- 
try so extensive as ours, a government of as much 
-(/igOY as is consistent with the perfect security of lib- 
erty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such 
a government, with powers properly distributed and 
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else 
than a name, where the government is too feeble to 
w^ithstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each 
member of the society within the limits prescribed by 
the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tran- 
quil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of par- 
ties in the State, with particular reference to the 
founding of them on geographical discrimination. 
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you in the most solemn manner against the bane- 
ful ejffects of the spirit of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our 
nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the 
human mind. It exists under different shapes in all 
governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or re- 
T)ressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen 
i its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst 
jnemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over an- 
other, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to 
party dissension, which in different ages and countries 
has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a 
frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a 
more formal and permanent despotism. The disor- 
ders and miseries which result, gradually incline the 
minds of men to seek security and repose in the abso- 



'94 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

lute power of an individual ; and sooner or later the 
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more 
fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition 
to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of 
public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this 
ikind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely 
out of sight), the common and continued mischiefs of 
the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the in- 
terest and duty of a wise people to discourage and re» 
strain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, 
and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates 
the community with ill-founded jealousies and false 
alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against an- 
other, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It 
opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption, 
which find a facilitated access to the government itself 
through the channels of party passions. Tlius the 
policy and the will of one country are subjected to the 
policy and will of another. 

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries 
are useful checks upon the administration of the gov- 
ernment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. 
This within certain limits is probably true, and in 
governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may 
look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit 
of party. But in those of the popular character, in 
governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be 
encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is cer- 
tain there will always be enough of that spirit foi 
every salutary purpose. And there being constant 
danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of 
public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 95 

to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to pre- 
vent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warm- 
ing, it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking 
in a free country should inspire caution, in those in- 
trusted with its administration, to confine themselves 
within their respective constitutional spheres, avoid- 
ing in the exercise of the powers of one department to 
encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment 
tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments 
in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of gov- 
ernment, a real despotism. A just estimate of that 
love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which pre- 
dominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of this position. The necessity of 
reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by 
dividing and distributing it into different depositories, 
and constituting each the guardian of the public weal 
against invasions by the others, has been evinced by 
experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our 
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them 
must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the 
opinion of the people, the distribution or modification 
of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way 
which the Constitution designates. But let there be 
no change by usurpation ; for, though this, in one in- 
stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the cus 
tomary weapon by which free governments are de- 
stroyed. The precedent must always greatly over- 
balance in permanent evil any partial or transient 
benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to 
political prosperity, religion and morality are indis- 



96 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

pen sable supports. In vain would that man claim the 
tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert 
these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest 
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere 
politician equally with the pious man ought to respect 
and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all 
their connections with private and public felicity. Let 
it simply be asked. Where is the security for property, 
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obliga- 
tion desert the oaths, which are the instruments of in- 
vestigation in courts of justice? And let us with 
caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be 
maintained without religion. Whatever may be con- 
ceded to the influence of refined education on minds 
of peculiar structure, reason and experience both for- 
bid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in 
exclusion of religious principle. 

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a 
necessary spring of popular government. The rule, 
indeed, extends with more or less force to every species 
of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to 
it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake 
the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, 
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. 
In proportion as the structure of a government gives 
force to public opinion, it is essential that publio 
opinion should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and secu- 
rity, cherish public credit. One method of preserving 
it is, to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occa- 
sions of expense by cultivating peace, but remember- 
ing also that timely disbursements to prepare for 
danger frequently prevent much greater disburse* 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 97 

ments to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumulation 
of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, 
but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge 
the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occa- 
sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the 
burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe- 
cution of these maxims belongs to your representa» 
tives, but it is necessary that public opinion should 
co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance o£ 
their duty it is essential that you should practically 
bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there 
must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be 
taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not 
more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the 
intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selec- 
tion of the proper objects (which is always a choice of 
difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a can- 
did construction of the conduct of the government in 
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the 
measures for obtaining revenue which the public exi- 
gencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; 
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and 
morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good 
policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy 
of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a 
great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous 
and too novel example of a people always guided by 
an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt 
that in the course of time and things, the fruits of 
such a plan would richly repay any temporary advan- 
tages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to 
it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The 



98 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

experiment, at least, is recommended by every senti- 
ment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it ren- 
dered impossible by its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more 
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies 
against particular nations, and passionate attachments 
for others, should be excluded ; and that, in place of 
them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be 
cultivated. The nation which indulges towards an- 
other an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is 
in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity 
or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead 
it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in 
one nation against another disposes each more readily 
to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of 
umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when ac- 
cidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, 
frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody 
contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resent- 
ment, sometimes impels to war the government, con- 
trary to the best calculations of policy. The govern, 
ment sometimes participates in the national propen- 
sity, and adopts through passion what reason would 
reject ; at other times, it makes the animosity of the 
nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious 
motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the lib- 
erty, of nations has been the victim. ; 

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation 
for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy 
for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest in cases where no real 
common interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
mities of the other, betrays the former into a parties 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 99 

pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without 
adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to 
concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied 
to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation 
making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with 
what ought to have been retained, and by exciting 
jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the 
parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. 
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citi- 
zens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), 
facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own 
country, without odium, sometimes even with popular- 
ity ; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base 
or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or in- 
fatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways such attachments are particularly alarming to 
the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How 
many opportunities do they afford to tamper with 
domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to 
mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public 
councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, 
towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the for- 
mer to be the satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I 
conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jeal- 
ousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, 
since history and experience prove that foreign influ- 
ence is one of the most baneful foes of republican 
government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be 
impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very 
influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. 



100 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and exces- 
sive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate 
to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and 
even second the arts of influence on the other. Real 
patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, 
are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its 
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of. 
the people, to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to for- 
eign nations, is, in extending our commercial rela= 
tions, to have with them as little political connection 
as possible. So far as we have already formed en- 
gagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good 
faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she 
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes 
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate 
ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes 
of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collis- 
ions of her friendships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation invites and en- 
ables us to pursue a different course. If we remain 
one people, under an efficient government, the period 
is not far off when we may defy material injury from, 
external annoyance ; when we may take such an atti= 
tude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time 
resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when bei° 
ligerent nations, under the impossibility of making 
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving 
Us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as 
our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa. 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 101 

tioii? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that 
of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and pros- 
perity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, 
interest, humor, or caprice ? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent al- 
liances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, 
I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me 
not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity 
to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less 
applicable to public than to private affairs, that hon- 
esty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, 
let those engagements be observed in their genuine 
sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and 
would be unwise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable 
establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we 
may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordi- 
nary emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But 
even our commercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclu- 
sive favors or preferences; consulting the natural 
course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle 
means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; 
establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give 
trade a stable course, to define the rights of our mer- 
chants, and to enable the government to support them, 
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present 
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
temporary, and liable to be from time to time aban- 
doned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall 
'Rotate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in 



102 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

one nation to look for disinterested favors from an 
other ; that it must pay with a portion of its indepen- 
dence for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
ter ; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in 
the condition of having given equivalents for nominal 
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude 
for not giving more. There can be no greater error 
than to expect or calculate upon real favors from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience 
must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 

In ojffering to you, my countrymen, these counsels 
of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they 
will make the strong and lasting impression I could 
wish; that they will control the usual current of the 
passions, or prevent our nation from running the 
course which has hitherto marked the destiny of na- 
tions. But, if I may even flatter myself that the}'- 
may be productive of some partial benefit, some occa- 
sional good ; that they may now and then recur to 
moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the 
impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be 
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, 
by which they have been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official duties I 
have been guided by the principles which have been 
delineated, the public records and other evidences of 
my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To 
myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I 
have at least believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, 
my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the in- 
dex of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, 
and by that of your Representatives in both Houses 



FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. 103 

of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continu- 
ally governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to 
deter or divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the 
best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that 
our country, under all the circumstances of the case, 
had a right to take, and was bound in duty and inter- 
est to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I 
determined, as far as should depend upon me, to main= 
tain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold 
this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to 
detail. I will only observe, that, according to my 
understanding of the matter, that right, so far from 
being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has 
been virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in- 
ferred, without anything more, from the obligation 
which justice and humanity impose on every nation, 
in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio- 
late the relations of peace and amity towards other 
nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that con- 
duct will best be referred to your own reflections and 
experience. With me a predominant motive has been 
to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and 
mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress 
without interruption to that degree of strength and 
consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly 
speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my adminis- 
tration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am 
nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think 
it probable that I may have committed many errors. 



104 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Al- 
mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they 
may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that 
my country will never cease to view them with indul- 
gence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedi- 
cated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of 
incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, 
and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which 
is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil 
of himself and his progenitors for several generations. 
I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in 
which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fel- 
low-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a 
free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, 
and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, 
labors, and dangers. 

Geop'^^e WaSHINGTONo 



EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 

Born February 22, 1732. 

Father dies April 12, 1743. 

Leaves school Autumn, 1747. 

Goes on his first surveying expedition . March, 1748. 

Commissioned adjutant-general, with rank 

of major 1751. 

Sails for the West Indies with his brother 

Lawrence September, 1751. 

Lawrence dies, leaving George executor of 
his will . . ' 1752. 

Is sent on a mission to the Ohio Country . November 31, 1753. 

Commissioned lieutenant-colonel . . 1754. 

Fights at Great Meadows .... July 3, 1754. 

Is appointed aid-de-camp to General Brad- 
d ^ . 1755. 

Braddock's defeat July 9, 1755. 

Is elected representative to the House of 
Burgesses 1758. 

Marries Mrs, Martha Custis . . . January 6, 1759. 

Is a member of the first Continental Con- 
gress 1774. 

Is n member of the second Continental Con- 
gress 1775. 

Appointed Commander - in - Chief of the 

American armies June 15, 1775. 

Takes command at Cambridge . . July 3, 1775. 

Siege of Boston raised .... March, 1776. 

Declaration of Independence . . July 4, 1776. 

Battle of Long Island .... August 22, 1776. 

Battle of White Flams .... October 28, 1776. 

Fort Washington abandoned . . . November 16, 1776. 

Battle of Trenton November 16, 1776. 



106 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Battle of Princeton January 3, 1777. 

Flag of stars and stripes adopted by Con- 

gpgss June 14, 1777. 

Battle of the Brandywine . . • September 10, 17' 

Battle of Germantown 

Ratification of Treaty with France 

Battle of Monmouth Court House 

Arrival of French fleet . 

Arnold's treason 

Execution of Andr^ 



October 4, 1777. 
May 2, 1778. 
June 28, 1778. 
July, 1778. 
September, 178C 
October 2, 1780. 



\ 



Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown . . October 19, 1781. 
Takes leave of the army . . • November 2, 1781 

Resigns his commission . . . • December 23, 17 
Presides at the Constitutional Convention, 1787. 
Is chosen first President of the United 

States l'^89. 

Inaugurated April 30, 1789. 

His mother dies August, 1789. 

Makes a tour through the Northern States, 1789. 

Makes a tour through the Southern States, 1790. 

Chosen for second term . . • • 1793. 

Issues proclamation of neutrality . . April 22, 1793 . 

Nominates John Jay as envoy extraordinary | 

to Great Britain April 16, 1794 .jj] 

Signs the Jay Treaty .... August 18, 17 ^ 

Issues a Farewell Address to the people of -i 

the United States September Ic 

Retires from the Presidency . . • March 4, 179. 
Is nominated Commander-in-Chief of the 

armies of the United States . . • July 2, 1798. 
j)^gg December 18, 



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